The Bottom Line

May 22, 2012

Estimates of the fiscal cliff that is set to occur at the end of the year have been popping up in recent weeks. Now CBO has lended its voice to the discussion in a brief, making a number of interesting observations and quantifications with regards to the cliff.

The brief first notes that under current law, deficits are set to decline by $560 billion from FY 2012 to FY 2013 ($1.17 trillion to $610 billion). That total is the sum of $607 billion of gross deficit reduction netted against $47 billion of budgetary effects from the negative economic impact of the cliff. This deficit reduction includes $500 billion of policy changes: the expiration of the 2001/2003 tax cuts, the patching of the Alternative Minimum Tax (AMT), the implementation of the sequester, the expiration of the payroll tax cut and extended unemployment benefits, the implementation of taxes in the Affordable Care Act, and the 30 percent scheduled reduction in Medicare physician payments. Another $100 billion of deficit reduction comes from general fiscal improvement. 

Sources of Change in Deficits from FY 2012 to FY 2013 (billions)
FY 2012 Deficit -$1,171
2001/2003 Tax Cuts and AMT Patch $221
Payroll Tax Cut $95
Tax Extenders $65
ACA Taxes $18
Sequester $65
Unemployment Benefits $26
Physician Payments ("Doc Fix") $11
Non-Policy Related Changes $105
Economic Feedback Effects -$47
FY 2013 Deficit -$612

Source: CBO

Notably, CBO's previous economic outlook in January did not account for the payroll tax cut, unemployment benefits, and doc fix, which had only been extended through February rather than through the end of the year. Accounting for this change boosts their estimate of 2012 growth by 0.6 percentage points (to around 2.7 percent), but reduces 2013 growth by a similar amount to 0.5 percent. This includes a 1.3 percent contraction in the 4th quarter of 2012 and the 1st quarter of 2013, which leads CBO to conclude that this period would likely qualify as a recession." In addition, the anticipatory effects of the cliff could hurt growth by somewhere in the neighborhood of 0.5 percentage points in the second half of 2012.

They also evaluated alternative scenarios for 2013. Under a scenario of literally zero fiscal restraint--in other words, the deficit as a percent of GDP in 2013 is the same as in 2012--FY 2013 growth would be somewhere between 1.4 percent and 7.3 percent, with a central estimate of 4.4 percent. In addition, the policy would boost employment by between 600,000 and 3.4 million people, with a central estimate of two million. Obviously, this policy would be helpful strictly in the short term but would require a run-up in deficits even beyond averting the entire fiscal cliff; in other words, it would require offsetting automatic stabilizers that would automatically reduce the deficit as the economy continues to grow.

Under CBO's Alternative Fiscal Scenario, the fiscal cliff is averted with the exception of the payroll tax cut, unemployment benefits, and ACA taxes, but there is still some fiscal restraint as the deficit falls from 7.7 percent of GDP in 2012 to 6.3 percent in 2013. Growth in 2013 is somewhere between 0.8 percent and 3.4 percent, with a central estimate of 2.1 percent, while employment is between 400,000 and 2.3 million greater, with a central estimate of 1.3 million.

Economic Effects in FY 2013 of Different Fiscal Scenarios
  Real GDP Growth Change in Employment (millions)
Current Law 0.5% N/A
Zero Fiscal Restraint 1.4% to 7.3% 0.6 to 3.4
Alternative Fiscal Scenario 0.8% to 3.4% 0.4 to 2.3

Source: CBO

Although the alternate scenarios help with growth in the short term, CBO notes that these scenarios would be bad for the economy in the longer term. The AFS would run up debt to 93 percent of GDP in 2022, 30 percentage points higher than under current law. This level of debt with the economy at full capacity would crowd out private investment, would overwhelm the positive effects of extending the policies, and would limit the ability of policymakers to respond to emergencies or recessions--that is, of course, not even mentioning the increased risk of a fiscal crisis. It is less clear what the "zero fiscal restraint" scenario would do in the longer term, since it would depend on what policy prescription was followed beyond 2013.

What's the right path? Take it away, CBO:

In particular, if policymakers wanted to minimize the short-run costs of narrowing the deficit very quickly while also minimizing the longer-run costs of allowing large deficits to persist, they could enact a combination of policies: changes in taxes and spending that would widen the deficit in 2013 relative to what would occur under current law but that would reduce deficits later in the decade relative to what would occur if current policies were extended for a prolonged period...

That approach to fiscal policy would work best if the future policy changes were sufficiently specific and widely supported so that households, businesses, state and local governments, and participants in the financial markets believed that the future fiscal restraint would truly take effect. If such policy changes were enacted soon, they would tend to boost output and employment in the next few years by holding down interest rates and by reducing uncertainty and enhancing business and consumer confidence. Moreover, enacting policy changes soon would allow for implementing them gradually while still limiting further increases in federal debt and the corresponding negative consequences. Therefore, although there are trade-offs in choosing when policy changes to reduce future deficits should take effect, there are important benefits and few apparent costs from deciding quickly what those changes will be.

May 22, 2012
A Weekly Update on Budget and Fiscal Policy Developments and a Look Ahead

Much Not to ‘Like’ – Facebook had its initial public offering (IPO) on Friday. The hype surrounding the offering illustrated the prominence of social networking in our economy and society. Yet, for all the lofty numbers involved, they pale in comparison to the federal budget. The IPO valuation of Facebook at around $100 billion was indeed eye-popping, but consider that the federal budget ran a deficit of nearly $200 billion in the month of March alone. Social networking may have made us more connected to each other than ever before, but we are just learning how the federal budget connects to us. How we address the national debt will affect the economy in the short run and longer term. Budget decisions will also affect key issues like national security, education, taxes and entitlements. Policymakers will have to make some tough decisions. We can’t afford to kick the can down the road any more. If you think getting behind in checking your Facebook updates is bad, think about the deficit hole we continue to dig.

Debt Ceiling Status Update – If the statutory debt limit was on Facebook, its status might read: "In a relationship with Congress and it’s complicated." The last time we ran up against the debt limit, Washington went to the brink of default and Standard and Poor’s and a few minor credit rating agencies downgraded our credit rating for the first time. We are again looking at hitting the $16.4 trillion debt ceiling at the end of this year and the Treasury Department says it can utilize extraordinary measures to put off an increase until early 2013. Lines are already being drawn in the sand indicating that raising the debt limit will not be any easier this time around. At last week’s Peterson Foundation Fiscal Summit, House Speaker John Boehner (R-OH) made clear that he would only support a debt limit increase that is coupled with federal spending cuts of equal or greater value. The prospect of another debt limit fight makes it all the more critical that lawmakers agree on a comprehensive fiscal plan.

Budget Wonks Have a Meetup – Budget experts, economists, journalists, former policymakers and many others gathered in Washington, DC last week for the 2012 Fiscal Summit. The event featured former President Bill Clinton, House Speaker John Boehner, Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner, former Senator and Fiscal Commission Co-Chair Alan Simpson and many others. Most of the speakers brought up the coming fiscal cliff and the need to develop a fiscal plan. And many said that the Simpson-Bowles plan showed the way.

You’ve Got Fail – It’s hard to imagine for Millennials, but AOL, the granddaddy of social networks that made "You’ve got mail" famous, was once an online powerhouse. Now AOL is mostly AWOL from the digital scene. The concurrent resolution on the budget also seems to have gone the way of AOL. Congress has not adopted a budget resolution in three years and won’t produce one for fiscal year 2013, which begins October 1. The Senate voted on five budget resolutions on Wednesday, but all five went down in defeat in what was really just a political show. The lack of a budget is inciting many calls for reform of the budget process. Sen. Joseph Lieberman (ID-CT) proposed a commission to study the problem and suggest changes. The nonpartisan group, No Labels, is building support for its "No Budget, No Pay" proposal, which would withhold the pay for lawmakers if they cannot adopt a budget on time. And we have plenty of budget process reform ideas at http://budgetreform.org.

LinkedIn with the Fiscal Cliff – Talk of the looming “fiscal cliff” grows as it gets nearer. And it is becoming more obvious how the economic recovery could be linked to how we deal with the cliff. Though the estimates of the magnitude of the cliff vary, the consensus is clear that if the across-the-board tax increases and spending cuts occur all at once at the end of the year as the law currently calls for, it will significantly hamper the economy. Speaker Boehner indicated that the House will hold votes on extending the expiring tax cuts before the election to score political points. But the real work will occur after the voting in a lame duck session of Congress. Read more about the fiscal cliff and how to address it here.

Lots of MySpace Between Houses on Appropriations – The House Appropriations Committee last week approved bills funding Homeland Security, Military Construction/Veterans Affairs, Defense, and State/Foreign Operations. Despite this progress, Congress is given little chance of completing all the spending bills before the new fiscal year begins on October 1 because the House and Senate disagree on spending levels. The Senate wants to follow the levels set forth in the Budget Control Act while the House wants to go lower. We can expect stopgap funding measures possibly going into the next calendar year.

Tweet Nothings – Last week the House passed the National Defense Reauthorization Act (H.R. 4310), which provides about $8 billion more in funding for defense that the White House requested, rolling backed the spending cuts the Pentagon proposed. While there may have been lots of Tweets about the bill, the Senate will likely pass a significantly different version. More political posturing forthcoming.

Silly-con Valley – California is the home to Facebook and many other tech startups. But it is also becoming famous for budget dysfunction that rivals Washington, DC. The state faces a budget deficit of around $16 billion … and possibly growing. Under law the budget must be balanced, but there is little agreement on how to do it.

Lots of Pinterest in a Debt Debate – A new Gallup poll shows that the federal budget deficit and debt is at the top of voters' concerns this election year. All the more reason for the presidential candidates to Debate the Debt. Our newest campaign is calling for one of the presidential debates this fall to be devoted to the national debt and the candidates' specific plans to address it. Check out the website to learn more, see who has signed the petition demanding a debt debate, and join the cause.

CRFB is Active on Social Media – Speaking of social media: CRFB is active on many channels. Check us out on Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, Google+, Tumblr, Flickr, LinkedIn and Pinterest.

 

Key Upcoming Dates (all times ET)


May 22

  • Presidential contests in Arkansas and Kentucky
  • Senate Appropriations Committee mark-up of FY 2013 spending bills for Homeland Security and Military Construction/Veterans Affairs at 10:30 am.
  • Senate Appropriations subcommittee mark-up of FY 2013 spending bill for State/Foreign Operations at 2:30 pm.

 

May 23

  • Senate Finance Committee hearing on health care delivery at 10 am.

 

May 29

  • Presidential primary in Texas

 

May 31

  • US Dept. of Commerce's Bureau of Economic Analysis releases its second estimate of 2012 first quarter GDP growth.

 

June 1

  • Dept. of Labor's Bureau of Labor Statistics releases May 2012 employment data.

 

June 5

  • Presidential contests in California, Montana, New Jersey, New Mexico, and South Dakota

 

June 14

  • Dept. of Labor's Bureau of Labor Statistics releases May 2012 Consumer Price Index (CPI) data.

 

June 26

  • Presidential primary in Utah

 

June 28

  • US Dept. of Commerce's Bureau of Economic Analysis releases its third estimate of 2012 first quarter GDP growth.

 

July 6

  • Dept. of Labor's Bureau of Labor Statistics releases June 2012 employment data.

 

July 17

  • Dept. of Labor's Bureau of Labor Statistics releases June 2012 Consumer Price Index (CPI) data.

 

July 27

  • US Dept. of Commerce's Bureau of Economic Analysis releases its advance estimate of 2012 second quarter GDP growth and revised estimates of 2009 through 2012 first quarter GDP growth. 
May 22, 2012

Yesterday, Medicare trustee Charles Blahous and former chief economist for Vice President Biden Jared Bernstein had a debate about the fiscal consequences of the Affordable Care Act (ACA). The event, hosted by e21 at the National Press Club, discussed Blahous's recent paper on the ACA that claimed the law would increase the deficit, contrary to CBO projections. Their main disagreement essentially boils down to which baseline to use to evaluate the legislation.

Blahous argued that the ACA is expected to increase net federal spending by more than $1.15 trillion, and to add more than $340 billion and as much as $530 billion to federal deficits over the same period, and increasing amounts thereafter. Blahous blamed the failure of ACA on government scorekeeping methods, which compare the effects of legislation to a hypothetical baseline scenario rather than to enacted law. His paper claimed that ACA is not a solution at all since although it appears to reduce federal deficits, it adds to total health care spending and thus "would result in future generations being subjected to tax burdens far higher than previous American generations have ever tolerated."

The ACA, he argued, relies upon substantial savings that would mostly already occur under prior law when Medicare Part A's Hospital Insurance (HI) Trust Fund runs out. To the extent that these reductions would have occurred already within the budget window--Blahous claimed that it is $590 billion of the $850 billion of ACA savings--these do not represent new net savings, but substitutions for spending reductions that would have occurred by law even in the absence of the ACA.

Bernstein responded by saying that the reason Blahous gets a different answer than CBO is that his numbers used a "funky" baseline, which assumes that Medicare and Social Security don’t meet obligations once their trust funds run out---at that point, they cut benefits to meet revenue. Thus, there can only be ACA savings to the extent that they exceed the cuts that would have happened when the HI Trust Fund runs out.

 

Bernstein said that this conclusion is wrong, and he used a graph (see above) from one of our previous blogs to indicate that the "Blahous baseline" differed significantly from CBO current law and resulted in lower deficits. The Balanced Budget and Emergency Deficit Control Act (Gramm-Rudman-Hollings) states that the budget baseline assumes that all programs will be adequate to meet the obligations required by law. Once one uses a baseline that assumes benefits are automatically cut to evaluate proposals, he said, any budget that cuts Medicare Part A spending--he mentioned the Ryan budget specifically--would be overstating its savings. He then pointed to Brookings Institution fellow Henry Aaron’s testimony last month to the House Ways and Means Health Subcommittee as a better description of what is going on in with health care spending and the Affordable Care Act.

Blahous and Bernstein continue the lively debate that has been ongoing for a few years about the fiscal effects of the Affordable Care Act. In this case, it's about what baseline you use: the baseline that assumes programs are fully funded at their current obligation levels or the baseline that assumes program spending is cut to equal dedicated financing.

May 21, 2012

Yesterday, Zeke Emanuel advanced an interesting proposal for Social Security and Medicare in a blog at The New York Times: varying the retirement ages for lifetime earnings. This policy is a response to a common criticism of raising the retirement ages that increases in life expectancy over time have been uneven across income groups. Emanuel's idea would work as follows:

People in the bottom half of the lifetime earnings distribution would become eligible for normal retirement benefits at age 65 for Medicare and 66 for Social Security, just as they are today. But people in the next quarter of the lifetime earnings distribution would become eligible for the respective programs at 67 and 68, and those in the top quarter would become eligible at 70 and 71. All eligibility ages would increase over time, as they are scheduled to now.

In all income brackets, those choosing to retire later than the standard age would still receive higher Social Security benefits, called delayed-retirement credits. For those choosing to retire earlier and accept reduced benefits, on the other hand, nothing would change in the lower bracket, while the minimum age would increase in the two higher income brackets. And wealthier older people would have the choice of buying into Medicare at age 65, though they would have to pay for it before the age of 70.

Emanuel also notes that the progressive retirement ages would reflect the difficulty each income group would have in continuing to work at older ages. People in the bottom half of the distribution are more likely to be in physically demanding jobs, while upper-income people would generally not face that difficulty and otherwise be able to support themselves.

We have written before that raising the retirement ages would be good for the budget and the economy by encouraging people to work longer and accumulate greater savings. This sort of modification is a productive and interesting idea to address concerns about the effects of the policy.

May 21, 2012

In order to avoid bumping up against the statutory debt ceiling, the Department of the Treasury has begun undertaking a number of so-called "extraordinary measures".

Keep checking back as we update this table (and click here for last year's Debt Ceiling Watch of 2011).

 

Date Extraordinary Measure Headroom Given Debt (Gross / Subject to Limit)
5/17/2012

Current Debt Limit said to last to early 2013

Today, Secretary Geithner said that the current $16.4 trillion debt ceiling will be sustainable until sometime in early 2013. The ceiling is expected to be hit sometime after the November elections and before the end of 2012, but due to extraordinary measures, such as the ones taken last summer, the ceiling would not be hit until early 2013. Read more here

  $15,712,823/ $15,670,365
01/27/12

Debt Ceiling Increases by $1.2 Trillion

Today, the Debt Ceiling was increased to $16.4 trillion because the Congress failed to pass into law a measure to prevent the increase requested by President Obama earlier this month. This is a $1.2 trillion increase. The Treasury Department estimates that this latest increase will be sufficient until the end of 2012. Read more here.

  $15,193,975/ $15,236,223
01/26/12

Senate fails to Block Debt Ceiling Increase 

Today, the Senate voted 52-44 to prevent a vote on blocking the debt ceiling increase. This comes after last weeks House vote where the House did vote to prevent the increase in the debt ceiling by $1.2 trillion as requested by President Obama. Because the Senate failed to block it, the debt ceiling will increase to $16.4 trillion at the close of business on January 27th. Read more here. 

  $15,193,975/ $15,236,232
01/18/12

House Votes to Block Debt Ceiling Increase

Today, the House of Representatives voted 239-176 to block a $1.2 trillion debt ceiling increase requested by President Obama, pursuant to the Budget Control Act. This is largely a symbolic vote because it is unlikely that the Senate would also vote to block the increase and the president can veto the measure if it does. The debt ceiling is scheduled to increase to $16.4 trillion at the close of business on January 27th. Read more here. 

  $15,236,279/ $15,193,975
01/17/12

Suspension of New G-Fund Securities

Today, the Treasury Department stopped issuing new securities for the retirement savings program for federal and postal workers, commonly known as the G-Fund.

Measures like this have been used in 1996, 2002, 2003, 2004, 2006 and 2011. Read more here.

Unknown $15,236,288/ $15,193,975
01/12/12

President Obama Requests $1.2 trillion Increase

Today, President Obama formally requested that the debt ceiling be raised by an additional $1.2 trillion. This is the legal limit set in the Budget Control Act that the president can ask for because the Super Committee did not find more than $1.2 trillion in savings. If the Super Committee had found more than $1.2 trillion, the maximum ask would have equaled that amount, up to $1.5 trillion. If the Congress does not disapprove this increase, which it has 15 days to do, the new ceiling would be $16.4 trillion. Read more here.

$0 Billion $15,236,332/ $15,193,976
01/04/12

Debt Ceiling Reached and Suspension of Reinvestment of Exchange Stabilization Fund 

Today, the Treasury Department has announced that it has reached the statutory debt ceiling. Additionally, in order to prevent breaching the ceiling, Treasury  suspended reinvestment of funds into the Exchange Stabilization Fund, an extraordinary measure.

Measures like this have been used in 1996, 2000, 2003, 2004, 2006 and in 2011. Read more here.

Unknown $15,236,542/ $15,193,975

 

May 21, 2012

When discussing new types of revenue or tax strucutres for the federal government to consider the other month, we touched on financial sector taxes as one of those options. The idea has caught on in Europe, with many countries and the European Commission proposing taxes of these sorts, although UK Prime Minister David Cameron has opposed it over concerns about its effect on growth. In the U.S., a bank tax has been in the President's budget each year since 2009, while financial transactions taxes have been proposed by some members of Congress (see here for example).

These type of taxes are often justified not just for revenue purposes, but also for discouraging speculation and high frequency trading, for making the financial sector repay governments for the financial support they received in the aftermath of the financial crisis, or as a premium for implicit insurance that large financial institutions have if they are perceived as "too big to fail."

Given the attention that financial taxes have been receiving, Tax Policy Center held an event on Friday entitled "Making Wall Street Pay: The Pros and Cons of Financial Taxes." The panelists were generally supportive of some type of financial tax, but they differed about how to do it. Two different regimes were the most widely discussed: a financial transaction tax (FTT), which taxes the value of transactions on the secondary market and is the more commonly proposed type, and a financial activities tax (FAT), which is levied on at least some portion of the wages and profits of financial institutions--essentially a valued-added tax (VAT) for finance.

One of the speakers, Michael Keen of the IMF, placed more emphasis on the FAT, having co-written a report favoring the FAT over the FTT (although the report did not necessarily endorse adopting a financial sector tax). Keen argued that the FAT would be a more targeted way to address the concerns that financial taxes typically look to fix and that the burden of the tax would be less likely to be passed on to investors. He also argued that a FAT would lessen distortions in countries that have VATs since they usually exempt financial services from tax. Daniel Shaviro of New York University, in both the event and background materials, agreed that a FAT would be superior and did support imposing one. He said that an FTT would be more economically inefficient, discourage economic activity in ways unrelated to the goals of the tax, and perhaps be easy to avoid.

Lee Sheppard of Tax Notes and Damon Silvers of the AFL-CIO, however, sided with the FTT. They both argued that the FTT would be easier to administrate, with Silvers arguing that the tax left less room for "manipulation" than a FAT. Sheppard also felt that the FTT would do a better job of essentially "cleaning up" the financial sector, in addition to being easier to collect. Silvers also argued that raising revenue should be the number one priority of a financial sector tax, and that an FTT could raise a large amount of revenue at a low rate compared to other financial taxes due to its huge tax base.

Whether it's a FAT, an FTT, or a bank tax, financial sector taxes remain in the discourse in the U.S. and especially in Europe. Whether it takes hold as a revenue-raiser remains to be seen.

May 18, 2012

Via the Washington Post, it seems that the House majority is looking at creating a fast track procedure for passing tax reform in 2013. This will enable a tax reform bill to be passed by an up-or-down vote with no amendments once it is formulated. 

House Ways and Means Committee chairman Dave Camp (R-Mich.) said Thursday that he has two goals with respect to the tax code: "One, block massive, job-killing tax increases" at the end of the year, when the George W. Bush-era tax cuts are set to expire. "And two, enact — not just pass — comprehensive tax reform."

There is strong support to use the expiration of the [Bush tax cuts] as leverage to force action in 2013 on comprehensive tax reform,” Camp told the Federal Policy Group’s annual tax seminar. "How? Simple: In addition to extending current low-tax policies originally enacted in 2001 and 2003, we should enact fast-track procedures to compel comprehensive tax reform next year."

Camp said he is mulling what form those procedures might take. He and House Speaker John A. Boehner (R-Ohio), who endorsed the idea this week, made comparisons to the process by which lawmakers adopt trade agreements negotiated with other nations. Under that system, Congress has 90 days to reject or approve a pact in its entirety without amendment.

Although we do not support extending the tax cuts without offsetting the cost of enacting a comprehensive fiscal plan, the discussion of a two-stage process by House Republicans may indeed be helpful. An oft-cited critique of enacting tax reform to replace the fiscal cliff--or more generally in reaction to action-forcing events--is that reform is too complex to be done in such a short timeframe. The House Republicans offer a model for tax reform to instead come in pieces. In a deal at the end of the year, legislation could combine a temporary partial or full extension (fully paid for) with a fast-track process to enact tax reform by a certain time with agreed-upon parameters and especially a revenue target. To ensure that the revenue target is met and to facilitate a deal, the process could be backed up with a credible trigger that enacts across-the-board tax expenditure cuts or other revenue increases -- something proposed as part of the Simpson-Bowles plan.

We have discussed how the a two-stage process could work with regards to the Super Committee in a paper last November. We said:

If the Super Committee only agrees to a small plan or needs more time to work out the technical details of a larger plan, it is likely to require either extending the deadline for the Super Committee or using a two-stage process. A credible process must:

  • Go Big: Achieve savings large enough to stabilize and reduce the debt as a share of the economy;
  • Include a large and meaningful down payment;
  • Include a detailed framework for the second stage;
  • Put in place an expedited process to achieve additional savings within the next three to six months, with fast-track status; 
  • Allow for the consideration of other plans if larger plan is not adopted; 
  • Establish a credible enforcement mechanism to ensure the required savings are achieved.

We also showed how the process might play out. Move forward the dates by a year, and it would be a relatively accurate timeline of what could happen in a cliff-averting deal.

It is good to see that tax reform is getting some attention and priority on Capitol Hill, although we would like to see tax reform contributing significantly to deficit reduction. The House has shown that the complexity and work required for tax reform should not be an excuse not to include in a cliff-averting deal. A two-step process backed up by a trigger would be a very useful component in a fiscal plan.

May 18, 2012

Donald Marron, who recently wrote a blog post on how budget limits are treated in Congressional rules, wrote a piece today detailing how Medicare Part A rules could be altered so that savings in Part A could not be used to both reduce the deficit and extend the life of the Hospital Insurance (HI) trust fund. Here's his take:

A better approach would adopt the rules used by Social Security. Those rules show Social Security running deficits far into the future in the budget baseline, but they still take the trust fund seriously when examining new legislation. Any proposed cuts to the program’s spending or increases in its revenues are “off budget”. The Congressional Budget Office reports them, but Congress can’t use them to pay for other spending.

A recent Senate bill provides a telling example. The bill would expand the type of income subject to payroll taxes in order to pay for a one-year extension of low interest rates on student loans. Those low rates would cost $6 billion, but the Senate proposal would raise $9 billion. The bill had to overshoot that much because $3 billion comes from higher Social Security taxes and is thus off limits. Meanwhile, the $6 billion in usable revenues comes from Medicare Part A, which is considered “on budget” despite having a trust fund just like Social Security’s.

That difference highlights the inconsistency in current budgeting. If policymakers believe the Part A trust fund is as sacrosanct as Social Security’s, they should provide the same budgetary protection: Part A savings should be off budget, where they couldn’t be used to pay for health reform, student loans, tax cuts, or anything else outside the hospital insurance program.

If Congress doesn’t believe the trust fund deserves that protection, it should adopt a third approach: make the Part A fund as operationally toothless as the one for Medicare B and D. Those programs spend much more than they receive, so their trust fund has unlimited ability to draw on general revenues. If the same were true for Medicare Part A, program changes could be used to pay for health reform (as they were in 2010) or anything else, just like any other mandatory program. But we wouldn’t have any confusion over whether those changes also extend the program’s ability to operate.

Read more that we have written about the Medicare double-counting controversy here, here, and here.

May 17, 2012

Steep budget cuts are linked to recession and higher unemployment in Europe, argue several commentators (see here for example). Are they right? Certainly, some countries have struggled economically when reducing deficits before their economies have made a recovery. But Germany’s case bears examination as a successful example of combining fiscal sustainability with economic growth.

Since late 2010, Germany has pursued gradual deficit reduction in solid, reassuring plans for medium-term debt reduction. Germany entered the recession with a balanced budget and declining yet high unemployment of 7.6 percent. In late 2008 and 2009, the German government passed stimulus measures which, when combined with increased mandatory spending, lifted total spending from about 44 percent of GDP in 2008 to 48.1 percent in 2009 (including state and local spending). This brought the 2010 deficit to 4.3 percent, while holding unemployment steady for a year before seeing a modest drop to 7.1 percent in 2010. Then in 2010, the government announced a significant deficit-reduction package, which has combined with a wind-down of stimulus spending to result in spending at 45.6 percent of GDP in 2011 and projected at 44.7 percent in 2013, alongside slightly declining tax revenues as a share of GDP.

German Deficit Reduction (Percent of GDP)
  2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017
Spending Cuts 0% 0.4% 0.6% 0.9% 1.2% *** *** ***
Gross Debt 83.2% 81.5% 78.9% 77.4% 75.8% 74.4% 72.7% 71.1%

Sources: IMF, La Gazette De Berlin
***Numbers not available for these years

As a result of Germany’s fiscal reforms, gross debt is predicted to decline from 82 percent of GDP in 2011 to 71 percent in 2017. While German GDP growth will be lower this year than last, so will German unemployment (it also helps that their unemployment is relatively low to begin with). Despite recent state election victories for the opposition Social Democrats, an early May opinion poll shows that Germans support ongoing budget discipline, by 55 percent to 33 percent.

A main reason for Italy’s current decline in deficits is an intentional defensive reaction against the recent sharp increase in interest rates on Italian debt, which exceeds 100 percent of GDP. This dynamic offers a second lesson next to Germany’s model of gradual deficit reduction. Namely, Italy’s pre-recession debt of nearly 90 percent of GDP left it with fewer options today, because Italy now pays a high interest rate premium in order to sell government bonds. And in order to hold interest rates from rising even higher, Italy has little room for counter-cyclical fiscal policy.

German and Italian Unemployment and Deficits
  2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013
Unemployment Rate
Germany 10.5% 11.2% 10.2% 8.8% 7.6% 7.7% 7.1% 6.0% 5.6% 5.5%
Italy 8.0% 7.7% 6.8% 6.1% 6.8% 7.8% 8.4% 8.4% 9.5% 9.7%
Deficits (Percent of GDP)
Germany 3.8% 3.4% 1.6% -0.2% 0.1% 3.2% 4.3% 1.0% 0.8% 0.6%
Italy 3.5% 4.4% 3.3% 1.5% 2.7% 5.4% 4.5% 3.9% 2.4% 1.5%

Source: IMF

All governments are ultimately limited in their ability to borrow. The sooner they implement specific plans for debt stabilization, the better their options for the short and long term, including the flexibility to reduce deficits gradually. Germany has demonstrated this the past two years, and it offers the United States a useful model for getting our own fiscal house in order. We should pass a plan now while we have the ability to bring our deficits down gradually rather than immediately.

May 17, 2012

About a month ago, we reported our estimates of how much the fiscal cliff would hurt the economy over the next two years using our interpretation of multipliers from CBO and Mark Zandi. That estimate had the 3.6 percent of GDP fiscal impact of the cliff hurting growth by about two percent over the first seven quarters.

Considering the size of the cliff, it is not surprising that others have estimated what impact the cliff will have. Analysts at many different organizations have estimated what the fiscal and economic impact of the change in fiscal stance that will be taking place (see here for an in-depth look at Goldman Sachs' projections). These estimates will vary by what people consider to be part of the fiscal cliff and in what timeframe they are estimating the impact (which will be greatest in the first quarter of 2013). Also, not all the estimates have given both the economic and budgetary effect, instead giving just one or the other.

We have summarized these estimates in the table below, including our estimate for just one year (our original estimate was for two years). The shorthand that we used for the policies included in each estimate is detailed below as well. These policies are:

  • The 2001/2003/2010 tax cuts ("tax cuts")
  • The patch to the Alternative Minimum Tax ("AMT patch")
  • The payroll tax cut and extended unemployment benefits ("jobs measures")
  • The $1.2 trillion automatic sequester ("sequester")
  • The override of the 30 percent physician payment cut ("doc fix")
  • The many temporary tax extenders ("extenders")
  • The temporary expensing of certain business investments ("expensing")
  • The taxes taking effect in 2013 contained in the Affordable Care Act ("ACA taxes")
  • The discretionary spending caps in the Budget Control Act ("BCA caps")
  • The scheduled reduction of spending on overseas wars ("war drawdown")

In the table, we also present our original seven quarter estimates of the fiscal cliff (since multipliers are often given in a two year period) alongside our estimate of the effect over three quarters. We will detail the three quarter estimate in a follow-up blog soon.

Various Estimates of the Fiscal Cliff
  Budgetary Impact (billions or % of GDP) Economic Impact (billions or % of GDP) Policies Included Timeframe
Mark Zandi N/A 3.5% Unknown 2013
David Greenlaw (Morgan Stanley) 5% 2.5% to 7.5%* Tax cuts, jobs measures, sequester, BCA caps, war drawdown, ACA taxes 2013
Goldman Sachs 4% 4% At least tax cuts, sequester, jobs measures 2013
Bank of America Merrill Lynch 4.6% N/A Tax cuts, AMT patch, jobs measures, sequester, doc fix, BCA caps, tax extenders, ACA taxes, expensing, "other" programs 2013
IHS Global Insight 4.2% N/A Tax cuts, jobs measures, sequester 2013 Q1
Alan Blinder 3.5% N/A Unknown Unknown
CRFB (Three Quarters) 4.5% 2.4% Tax cuts, AMT patch, jobs measures, sequester, doc fix, tax extenders, ACA taxes 2013 Q1-Q3
CRFB (Original)  3.6% 2% Tax cuts, AMT patch, jobs measures, sequester, doc fix, tax extenders, ACA taxes 2013 Q1-2014 Q3
CRFB (Using Zandi) 3.6% 2.5% Tax cuts, AMT patch, jobs measures, sequester, doc fix, tax extenders, ACA taxes 2013 Q1-2014 Q3

Note: Sources are linked for each estimate where available
*Greenlaw states that the multiplier for the cliff would be in the 0.5 to 1.5 range. The economic impact represents that range.

May 16, 2012

We have been warning for a few months now about the potential consequences of the fiscal cliff -- and adding to the debt by averting it all together. As it turns out, the short-term economic consequences may already be occurring, according to a recent Washington Post article.

Defense contractors have slowed hiring. Tax advisers are warning firms not to count on favorite breaks. And hospitals are scouring their books for ways to cut costs...

The uncertainty is already prompting some firms to take action. Many more say they will be forced to contemplate layoffs and other cost-cutting measures long before the end of the year unless the Republican House and the Democratic Senate come up with an alternative path to tame deficits. But with control of the White House and both chambers of Congress in play on Nov. 6, aides say it is impossible to begin mapping a strategy for compromise until they know who wins the election, by how much and on which issues.

That seems to be a good argument for getting moving now on a plan to deal with it. We have already estimated that the cliff would hurt the economy by about two percent of GDP in 2013 and 2014, but that does not say what will happen in 2012 in anticipation of everything happening.

The one commonality between the many comments from the business and policy community in the Post article is that the scariest aspect of the cliff is the lack of any plan that would pass Congress at this point. As Bob Greenstein of the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities commented:

On the one hand, you say: "We’re a functioning country. Somehow, we’re going to work this out." But then you ask: "What’s the scenario for a potential solution?" And you can’t come up with anything that you can see actually passing Congress.

That, of course, does not mean that there isn't the ability to come up with a plan, just that there has not been good-faith negotiations yet. Also, just because the cuts would adversely affect certain groups does not mean that we should permanently avert the cliff without deficit reduction. In order to get our debt under control, interest groups need to recognize that everyone will need to contribute to deficit reduction. But indications that businesses and people across the country are dealing with the cliff already should give an impetus for Congress to negotiate a smart and gradual deficit reduction plan very soon. 

May 16, 2012

Former President Bill Clinton joined the Announcement Effect Club at the Peter G. Peterson Foundation's Fiscal Summit yesterday in a Q&A session with Tom Brokaw (you can see the video of it here). Our readers will recall that the announcement effect states that enacting a credible deficit reduction plan now but implementing the actual cuts with some lag will help the economy now by reassuring investors that we will have our debt under control. Here's the quote:

Brokaw: A year ago, you said it would be a mistake to try to fix the deficit when the economy is so broken. Do you still feel that way?

Clinton: Yes, but I also said I think we should pass a very tough deficit reduction plan now and provide for it to trigger when the economy has reached three percent growth for two quarters, because I think it would do an enormous amount to deal with the [weak economy].

He also went on to say that a deficit reduction plan will be very important when the economy recovers considering the debt we have accumulated in recent years. Interest rates will rise significantly at that point, he argued, so a plan to reduce the deficit would help ease that concern.

He also said that enacting a comprehensive deficit reduction plan would increase confidence in our political institutions, both from citizens and people around the world. Considering the showdowns and near-disasters that have defined the past few years, it would certainly be a help.

The Announcement Effect Club is a reminder that the fiscal policy debate isn't a black-and-white debate between focusing on the short term vs. the long term or stimulus vs. austerity. We gladly welcome President Clinton to the Club.

Video of the interview is below.

 

May 15, 2012

On Sunday, Fiscal Commission co-chair and former White House Chief of Staff Erskine Bowles delivered a speech at American University's School of Public Affairs Commencement. Apparently, the message hit home for Ben Ritz, Chair of Fiscal Policy and Policy Caucus Director of AU's College Democrats. Ritz wrote a blog post yesterday called "Answering Erskine Bowles' Call to Action." His post makes the case to the rest of the AU Democrats to support a comprehensive fiscal plan.

Ritz says that a main reason why one should care about the debt is interest. He explains:

When we accumulate more debt, we end up increasing both the percentage of it that investors want in interest and the total amount we end up having to pay that interest on. And each year that we run deficits, we end up needing to take on more debt to pay the increasing interest, turning it into a vicious cycle of exponentially increasing costs.

What are the ramifications of having to pay so much interest? Primarily, it’s wasted money. Every dollar spent on interest is a dollar we don’t spend on investments in schools, roads, national security, scientific research, healthcare, or the social safety net.

Considering that the debt is projected to rise rapidly if current policy is continued, we will end up finding our budget consumed by interest. But of course, we would likely have a fiscal crisis before our spending on interest would take up too much of the budget as creditors lose faith in our debt. In that case, we would have to enact immediate tax increases and spending cuts, causing severe damage to the economy.

With all that in mind, what's the solution?

Fortunately, there is hope! Erskine Bowles and former Senator Alan Simpson (R-WY) made a bold, bipartisan proposal to avert the disaster in 2010. Their plan was a balanced package that would reform the tax code, reign in entitlement spending, and halt the growth of the military industrial complex- all while preserving the social safety net and the fragile economic recovery. The plan got 11 out of 18 votes (6 Democrats and 5 Republicans) of the commission; a clear bipartisan majority, but three votes short of the threshold needed to force a vote in Congress on the package.

Finally, Ritz points out that the fiscal cliff will provide a political push for comprehensive reform on the scale of Simpson-Bowles. With a lot of provisions in the budget already "up for negotiation" at the end of the year, there is a very real opportunity for a fiscal plan, and that has inspired him to take action to support serious solutions to our nation's debt conundrum and to urge his fellow College Democrats to do the same. He concludes, "I’m ready to answer Erskine Bowles’ call to action; are you?"

This blog post is another example of citizens wanting to make a difference in our budget discourse. Learn more about what you can to get involved here and sign our petition to have the presidential candidates debate the debt here.

The video of Erskine Bowles' speech is below.

 

May 15, 2012

The 2012 Fiscal Summit presented by the Peter G. Peterson Foundation is today. Watch live here now and follow on Twitter with #FiscalSummit.

Speakers include former President Bill Clinton, Speaker of the House John Boehner, House Budget Committee Chair Paul Ryan, House Budget Committee Ranking Member Chris Van Hollen, Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner, Senator Rob Portman, Travelers Companies, Inc. Chairman and CEO Jay Fishman, and former Senator and Fiscal Commission Co-Chair Alan Simpson.

 

May 14, 2012
A Weekly Update on Budget and Fiscal Policy Developments and a Look Ahead

Winter is Coming – HBO’s “Game of Thrones” has a legion of devoted fans. The show deftly combines mystical elements with real-world political intrigue. Of course, the gratuitous sex and violence may also play a role in its popularity. The fictional capital of King’s Landing could be mistaken for Washington, DC except for the (slightly) better sanitation in our capital. King’s Landing is filled with plotting and backstabbing and is currently under siege. DC has more than its share of schemes and, in a way, is also under siege due to the increasing unpopularity of its inhabitants and their inability to address the problems plaguing the nation. The days may be getting longer and the temperatures higher in DC, but there still is a growing sense that, as the Starks constantly warn, “Winter is coming.” This winter could be particularly harsh as the “fiscal cliff” that Federal Reserve chairman Ben Bernanke warns of could wreak havoc on the already fragile economy a the end of the year. The expiration of the 2001/2003/2010 tax cuts, the payroll tax holiday, the Alternative Minimum Tax (AMT) patch and several tax extenders (referred to by some as "Taxmageddon”) along with the across-the-board cuts imposed by the sequester under the Budget Control Act (BCA), will all occur at once, along with the debt ceiling also being reached. The challenge for lawmakers in a post-election lame duck session of Congress will be to replace fiscal cliff with a comprehensive plan that achieves a significant level of deficit reduction, but in a smart, phased-in manner. Learn more about the fiscal cliff here.

You Either Win or You Die – As they set the stage for the election and its aftermath, both parties appear to be following the Cersei Lannister view of politics, “When you play the game of thrones, you win or you die; there is no middle ground.” As Politico reports, Republicans want to soften the defense cuts under the sequester by further cutting social programs while Democrats plan to hold firm. Meanwhile, no progress is being made on entitlement and revenues, which will have to be a significant part of any comprehensive plan to significantly reduce the deficit. Last week the House passed legislation replacing the defense cuts for 2013 under the BCA sequester with $238 billion of cuts over ten years to programs such as Medicaid, food stamps, and the health care reform law. We’re all about being ambitious, but our idea of a "Go Big" approach depends on middle ground. Each side must put everything on the table to reach a comprehensive plan that puts the country on a sustainable fiscal course.

House Passes First Fiscal Year 2013 Spending Bill – The appropriations process is as dysfunctional as the Lannister family. Temporary stopgap measures have now become the norm when it comes to funding the government and this year appears headed in the same direction. Last week the House passed the first spending bill for the fiscal year that begins October 1. The Commerce, Justice, and Science appropriations bill provides $51.1 billion in funding for these agencies. Because this amount is less than the spending level agreed to under the BCA, the President has threatened to veto the bill if it somehow manages to pass the Senate. The White House also objects to policy riders contained in the bill. This week the House Appropriations Committee will mark up the FY 2013 spending bills for Homeland Security, Military Construction/Veterans Affairs, Defense and State/Foreign Operations. The security bills have spending levels above those agreed to in the BCA. All this means we can again expect the fiscal year to begin without most, if any, spending bills in place.

Going on Offense on Defense – Military action is significant to the plot of Game of Thrones. Likewise, defense spending is significant to the federal budget, and a source of great friction. The House this week will consider the National Defense Authorization Act for FY 2013, which rolls back some of the cuts proposed by the Pentagon to comply with the BCA. This comes as the public expresses support for some defense cuts.

Senate Budget Votes Expected – The annual federal budget blueprint has become akin to the Zombie-like White Walkers – not really among the living but nearly impossible to completely kill. While all hope has been lost for the House and Senate agreeing on a FY 2013 budget resolution, the Senate is still expected to vote on several versions this week in what will be no more than political theater. Senators will exercise their right to bring up budget proposals to the Senate floor since no budget has been approved. The Senate is expected to consider the resolution approved by the House, a version of President Obama’s budget proposal, and proposals from Sens. Pat Toomey (R-PA), Rand Paul (R-KY) and Mike Lee (R-UT). None is expected to muster enough votes to pass. Budget process reform is needed to help improve federal budgeting.

Broad Agreement on Debt Fix – The people of Westeros may not be able to agree on who their king is, but Americans appear to be in general agreement that a comprehensive approach will be required to address the national debt. According to a recent poll from the Peter G. Peterson Foundation, 87 percent of respondents say that a solution to the long-term debt solution will require tax increases and spending cuts. That corresponds with the results of our federal budget simulator, where 94 percent of those who voluntarily submitted their results used a combination of spending cuts and revenue increases.

Want to Know Where the Presidential Candidates Stand? – While not as catchy as "King in the North," cries for the presidential candidates to “Debate the Debt” are growing. Visit the website to learn more and sign the petition calling on the candidates to devote one of the three debates scheduled this fall exclusively to the debt and their specific plans to address it.

 

Key Upcoming Dates (all times ET)

 

May 15

  • 2012 Fiscal Summit in Washington, DC, starting at 8:30 am. Speakers include former President Bill Clinton, House Speaker John Boehner, Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner, Sen. Rob Portman, Rep. Paul Ryan, Rep. Chris Van Hollen, former Sen. Alan Simpson and The Travelers Cos. Chairman and CEO Jay Fishman
  • Senate Finance Committee hearing on what tax reform could mean for tribes and territories at 10 am.
  • Senate Appropriations subcommittee mark-up of FY 2013 appropriations bill for Military Construction/Veterans Affairs at 11 am.
  • Senate Appropriations subcommittee mark-up of FY 2013 appropriations for Homeland Security at 3:30 pm.
  • Presidential contests in Nebraska and Oregon
  • Dept. of Labor's Bureau of Labor Statistics releases April 2012 Consumer Price Index (CPI) data

 

May 16

  • House Appropriations Committee mark-up of FY 2013 appropriations bills for Homeland Security and Military Construction/Veterans Affairs at 10 am.

 

May 17

  • House Appropriations Committee mark-up of FY 2013 appropriations bills for Defense and State/Foreign Operations at 10 am.

 

May 22

  • Presidential contests in Arkansas and Kentucky

 

May 29

  • Presidential primary in Texas

 

May 31

  • US Dept. of Commerce's Bureau of Economic Analysis releases its second estimate of 2012 first quarter GDP growth.

 

June 1

  • Dept. of Labor's Bureau of Labor Statistics releases May 2012 employment data.

 

June 5

  • Presidential contests in California, Montana, New Jersey, New Mexico, and South Dakota

 

June 14

  • Dept. of Labor's Bureau of Labor Statistics releases May 2012 Consumer Price Index (CPI) data.

 

June 26

  • Presidential primary in Utah

 

June 28

  • US Dept. of Commerce's Bureau of Economic Analysis releases its third estimate of 2012 first quarter GDP growth.

 

May 14, 2012

On Friday, Lawrence Korb, Alex Rothman, and Max Hoffman of the Center for American Progress wrote "The Top 10 Things to Know About Military Compensation," which provides context for compensation within the defense budget and how reforms can be done in minimally harmful ways.

The ten things are:

  1. Defense personnel costs have doubled since 2001 and now cost about $180 billion per year, or roughly one-third of the defense budget.
  2. Personnel costs would consume the entire defense budget by FY 2039 if they continued at their current rate (and the defense budget did not increase more than projected).
  3. Pay reforms in the Pentagon's request for FY 2013 would save $16.5 billion over five years without hitting active service member pay.
  4. Because of the 20 year vesting period for military retirement benefits, four out of five veterans do not receive those benefits.
  5. The least likely to receive benefits are those who have borne the brunt of the fighting in the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.
  6. Transitioning to a 401(k)-type system for pensions will allow retirement benefits to go to a far larger percentage of veterans while containing costs.
  7. Much of the cost increase in TRICARE can be attributed to military retirees.
  8. The Pentagon has proposed responsible increases in health care fees paid by military retirees, which will save $13 billion by FY 2017.
  9. The Pentagon can save up to $15 billion per year with additional reforms to reduce overutilization of services and limit double coverage among working age retirees.
  10. None of the Pentagon's health care recommendations would affect active duty service members or low-income or disabled veterans, all of whom would still receive free health care.

The takeaway from these facts is that while we must honor (and generously compensate) the sacrifices of our troops, we can also make targeted changes to compensation that improve the system and have as little harmful impact as possible. Personnel costs--and, of course, other parts of the defense budget where there are areas ripe for savings-- should be on the table.

Click here to read the Moment of Truth Project's paper on federal retirement programs, including military retirement.

May 14, 2012

Former Sen. Judd Gregg (R-NH) weighs in on the impact of "taxmaggedon" in The Hill today. While the tax increases would likely lead to more revenue, he said, the sudden rise of the payroll tax, expiration of the 2001/2003 tax cuts, and other tax increases could have a devastating impact on a still weak economy. Gregg explains:

The likely consequences are obvious. Such a massive increase in taxes will lead to a significant slowdown in the economy as investment and disposable income both drop dramatically.

People and businesses will have to retrench in order to deal with these higher taxes. This will result in less economic activity and potentially less revenue for the federal government. The opportunity to partly address deficit problems through economic growth will be lessened, and this will ensure that our deficits and debt situation will continue to grow and become even more of a drag on our prosperity and national culture.

Gregg makes a strong case regarding the negative short- and long-term economic consequences of the tax increases in current law. Importantly, though, extending current tax policy in its entirety would add $5 trillion to the debt relative to that scenario, which would contribute to a slowing of long-term growth or possibly even a fiscal crisis. As with the rest of the fiscal cliff, policymaker should be looking to replace the immediate expiration of all the tax cuts with a gradual plan which brings the debt under control. Indeed, comprehensive tax reform could reduce the deficit while lowering marginal tax rates by going after tax expenditures. 

The expiration of the tax cuts is just one part of the fiscal cliff, which also includes the $1.2 trillion sequester, the expiration of the doc fix, and the expiration of extended unemployment benefits. Taken together, we estimate the fiscal cliff would slow economic growth by about two percentage points over the next two years (the impact split roughly evenly between the tax increases and spending cuts). On the other hand, the debt accrued from continuing these policies will lower GDP by about one percent within ten years and much more beyond that. Any actions must therefore balance these dualing concerns by enacting a gradual and smart plan to stabilize the debt.

May 11, 2012

Reps. Allyson Schwartz (D-PA) and Joe Heck (R-NV) have introduced a bill to overhaul the Medicare physician payment system. The bill includes a number of laudable reforms, but it does not have a legitimate pay-for, since it uses the war drawdown gimmick to pay for its costs. But more on that in a moment.

The physician payment changes in the proposal are headlined by the repeal of the Sustainable Growth Rate (SGR) formula, the formula that controls physician payment growth. However, given past actions of Congress to override the scheduled cuts, the SGR now mandates huge cuts in physician payments -- 30 percent at the end of this year. This bill, as mentioned above, repeals the SGR and gives all physician services a 0.5 percent annual bump-up for the next four years. In order to emphasize the use of primary care, preventive care, and care coordination, the bill also provides increases for these services that are well above the overall physician payment increase.

While these payment increase schedules would be in effect through 2017, the payment system would be overhauled thereafter. The legislation calls for the Center for Medicare and Medicaid Services to develop a menu of delivery reform options by October 2016 after pilot program effectiveness has been evaluated. By 2018, the system will have moved away from fee-for-service by reducing payments for physicians who stay in FFS and would instead incentivize higher quality and higher value care based on one of the models that CMS develops.

Sounds good, right? There is one problem with the fiscal impact though: it offsets the $270 billion cost of repealing the SGR and the additional costs of the physician payment increases with the war drawdown. As we have mentioned before, using savings from the war drawdown that is already scheduled to happen is a gimmick. Essentially deficit financing the hundred of billions that the bill will cost is simply not good enough.

Rather than resort to a gimmick, the bill could instead pay for its physician changes with changes involving providers or beneficiaries. It could also use a less costly update system for physicians in the interim. For example, the Medicare Payment Advisory Commission (MedPAC) has recommended freezing primary care payment rates while reducing them for other services, a move that is estimated to be about $100 billion less expensive than freezing all payments (and therefore well more than $100 billion cheaper than the bill's update schedule). The Fiscal Commission plan reduced physician payments by one percent and ordered a value-based payment system to be developed for savings of $30-$40 billion against a freeze.

The goals of this bipartisan bill are laudable and payment reforms like these will need to be considered for Medicare. Still, repealing the SGR should be paid for legitimately.

May 11, 2012

At Wonkblog, Suzy Khimm points to a study done by the Stimson Center that polled Americans about how large the defense budget should be. The study asked 665 participants about how much money they would assign to various parts of the defense budget after giving them context and arguments for and against cutting spending. Overall, the participants cut defense by an average of $104 billion (18 percent reduction) from 2012 to 2013 when they went area-by-area through the budget and by $127 billion (23 percent) when they picked an overall defense spending number. Khimm notes that these cuts are larger than even what the sequester calls for (which is a ten percent cut).

Our budget simulator may not be as exhaustive as the options presented in this study, but it does give us a good idea of where our users would be willing to trim costs. Granted, the baseline for defense spending has changed since those results were compiled, as the Budget Control Act has reduced defense through spending caps. Still, the results are informative about areas our users were willing to cut. In terms of defense, a majority of users picked five options from the defense portion of the simulator as well as the option to draw down troops in Afghanistan to 30,000 by 2013. The five options were:

  • Cut weapons systems
  • Cut foreign aid in half
  • Cancel missile defense system
  • Reduce ship buildings
  • Decrease troop levels and reverse the Grow the Army initiative

These five options represent $330 billion in savings from 2011-2018. Adding in the war drawdown ups that number to close $1.4 trillion; however, the drawdown savings are likely to occur anyways as troops are already scheduled to be drawn down in Afghanistan in a similar manner.

Defense Options that Received Majority Support
  Percent of Users Supported Savings Through 2018 (billions)
Cut Weapons Systems 73% $30
Cut Foreign Aid in Half 66% $110
Cancel Missile Defense System 54% $50
Reduce Ship Building 75% $50
Decrease Troop Levels 81% $90
Subtotal, Base Savings $330
Reduce Afghanistan Troops to 30,000 by 2013 70% $1,030
Total Savings $1,360

 

These results are not scientific, but they are informative about what at least the users of our simulator supported cutting. See the full results of the simulator here and play our new simulator with updated defense options here.

May 10, 2012

Over at Wonkblog, Sarah Kliff points out that the Affordable Care Act (ACA) may contain a new "doc fix" -- only this time in Medicaid. The current "doc fix" in Medicare cancels out huge scheduled physician payment cuts as required under law by the Sustainable Growth Rate (SGR) formula. Since it is very expensive to override the SGR permanently (about $300 billion over ten years), Congress usually just enacts temporary extensions. Kliff notes that the ACA requires Medicaid to pay primary care physicians the same as Medicare (or adjusted 2009 levels, whichever is greater), but only provides funding ($11 billion) to do so in 2013 and 2014. After 2014, however, Medicaid providers could face a cliff in Medicaid reimbursement rates, similar to Medicare's SGR.

Luckily, the House-passed version of the health care law had a permanent version of this provision, which allows us to estimate the effect of making this provision permanent. Working off those numbers, a permanent Medicaid "doc fix" could cost about $45 billion through 2022.

The doc fixes (both the SGR fix and the potential Medicaid one) are just a microcosm of a larger problem with the federal government right now: the plethora of temporary policies. Just within health care, there are more than a dozen health-care extenders in addition to the doc fix that are frequently renewed. Even though their costs are relatively small, they have never been made permanent.

Similarly, the other day we discussed the student loan showdown that is currently taking place, which includes a temporary reduction in subsidized Stafford loan interest rates that was enacted in 2007. The solution proposed by both parties/houses is a one-year extension. If it is their intent, a permanent extension would cost about $75 billion over ten years, according to our own estimates because none currently exist from CBO.

Of course, these policies pale in comparison to the trillions of dollars of temporary tax policies we have. The accumulation of temporary tax cuts over the past ten years -- along with the need to enact patches to the Alternative Minimum Tax -- has resulted in a $4.6 trillion ten-year price tag for extending the 2001/2003 tax cuts along with the AMT patches. In addition, there are about $400 billion worth of tax extenders (headlined by the R&E credit) that have already expired that Congress has frequently extended en masse.

Cost of Extending Temporary Policies
  One-Year Extension Permanent (Ten-Year) Extension
Doc Fix $15 $270
Medicaid Fix $8 $45
Student Loans $6 $75
AMT Patch* $110 $805
Tax Cuts^ $220 $3,760
R&E Credit* $7 $70

Source: CBO and CRFB estimates
*Assumes retroactive extension for 2012 and extension through 2013
^Includes interaction with AMT patch

While regular review of federal programs and tax provisions is theoretically a good thing, so much of the government now is temporary that Congress does not have the time to actually thoroughly complete those reviews. Temporary provisions are poor policies for a number of reasons if they are intended to be permanent, because they create unnecessary uncertainty and distractions. Furthermore, the sheer number of temporary policies makes the budget much less transparent, since it is difficult to keep track of them in making accurate budget projections. Agencies like CBO do an admirable job of trying to incorporate the biggest of these policies into alternate baselines, but it is nearly impossible to track every temporary provision and calculate its effect on different parts of the budget. 

We see the accumulation of so many temporary policies in the fiscal cliff, where trillions of dollars are at stake at the end of this year alone. The cliff plus other temporary policies show the growing difficulty that Congress is creating for itself. If it must spend so much time on expiring provisions, it cannot concentrate nearly as much on the rest of government. Also, one misstep could have huge consequences for the economy.

Simply put, the increasingly temporary nature of government is concerning. If a policy is a priority that is not intended to expire, lawmakers should be able to find a way to pay for its permanent existence.

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