Your goal is to achieve 60% of GDP by 2018

The Debt will reach 60% of GDP in XXXX.
Under the current scenario, the debt will not reach 60% of GDP by 2030.
Reduce Troops to 60,000 by 2015
-$350BReduce Troops to 30,000 by 2013
-$740BMaintain Current Funding Levels
$0Renew All the Tax Cuts
$3,280BRenew the Tax Cuts on Income Below $250k/200k
$2,590BReduce Lower Rate Cuts by Half and Let Upper-Income Cuts Expire
$2,060BAllow All the Tax Cuts, Except for AMT Patches, to Expire
$480BGrow Regular Discretionary Spending with GDP
$1,290BAdopt the Discretionary Spending Growth Rates in the President's Budget
$680BGrow Regular Discretionary Spending with Inflation
$0Enact Administration's Proposed Weapon System Cuts
-$30BCut Foreign Economic Aid in Half
-$110BIncrease Foreign Economic Aid by 50%
$110BReduce Veteran's Income Security Benefits
-$50BExpand Veteran's Income Security Benefits
$30BCancel Missile Defense System
-$50BReduce Spending on Ship Building
$50BIncrease Number of troops by 46,000
$70BReverse "Grow the Army" Initiative
-$90BCancel Unobligated ARRA Funds
-$190BEnact New Jobs Bill
$100BDecrease Highway Funding by 25%
-$200BIncrease Highway Funding by 25%
$200BFreeze Average Unemployment Benefits at 2009 Levels
-$50BCut Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF) Program
-$50BCut Federal Funding of K-12 Education by 25%
-$60BEliminate the New Markets Tax Credit
-$40BCut School Breakfast Programs
-$30BDouble Funding on Adoption and Foster Care
$70BIncrease Funding for the Education of Disadvantaged and Disabled Children
$290BRaise the Normal Retirement Age to 68
-$110BGradually Reduce Scheduled Benefits (by 30% in 2080)
-$100BProgressively Reduce Benefits, Protecting Low Earners
-$80BProgressively Reduce Benefits, Protecting Low and Medium Earners
-$60BUse An Alternate Measure of Inflation for COLAs
-$100BReduce Spousal Benefits from 50% to 33%
-$20BIncrease Years Used to Calculate Benefits
-$40BInclude all New State and Local Workers
-$80BInstitute a Minimum Benefit
$130BExpand Coverage to an Additional 5 Million People
$130BReduce Insurance Subsidies by 20%
-$160BRepeal Entire Legislation
$160BRepeal Legislation, but Keep Medicare/Medicaid Cuts
-$260BIncrease Cost-Sharing for Medicare
-$100BRaise Medicare Premiums to 35% of Costs
-$140BInstitute a Public Option
-$40BEnact Medical Malpractice Reform
-$50BIncrease the Medicare Retirement Age to 67
-$80BReplace Traditional Medicare with Insurance Vouchers
-$120BReduce Funding Removing Floor on Matches
-$130BIncrease Average Matches from 57% to 60%
$140BEliminate Certain Outdated Programs
-$40BTwo Year Freeze of Federal Civilian Pay
-$50BIntroduce Minimum Out-of-Pocket Expenses and Federal Cost Sharing for TRICARE for Life
-$40BReform Federal Retiree Benefits
-$30BCancel NASA Missions to the Moon and Mars
-$40BReduce Farm Subsidies
-$80BExpand Spending on Federal Research & Development
$100Cut All Earmarks and Use Half of Savings for Deficit Reduction
-$80BIncrease Mass Transit Funding
$60BIncrease User Fees Across the Board
-$40BSell Certain Government Assets
-$70BImpose Financial Crisis Responsibility Fee
-$80BReform International Tax System
-$120BEnact Carbon Tax or Cap-and-Trade
-$330BIncrease Gas Tax by 10 Cents per Gallon
-$80BEnact Five percent VAT With Partial Rebate
-$630BGradually Increase Dependent Exemption by $3,500
$190BImpose Surtax on Income above $1 million
-$190BGradually Increase Payroll Tax by One Percentage Point
-$130BRaise Cap to Cover 90% of Earnings
-$420BInstitute Two Percent Surtax on Earnings Above Cap
-$190BReduce Corporate Tax Rate from 35% to 30%
$390BIndex Tax Code to Alternate Measure of Inflation
-$80BImprove Tax Collection (Reduce Tax Gap)
-$20BTax Fringe Benefits as Regular Income
-$70BLimit Mortgage Interest and Other Itemized Deductions for High Earners
-$250BCurtail State and Local Tax Deduction
-$470BEliminate Life Insurance Tax Benefits
-$220BEliminate Subsidies for Biofuels
-$110BMake Research & Development Tax Credit Permanent
$80BExtend $400/person Making Work Pay Credit
$400BCut the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC)
-$70BExpand the EITC and Child Tax Credit
$90BExtend "American Opportunity" College Tax Credit
$60BBegin Excise Tax on High-Cost Plans in 2013 Instead of 2018
-$110BRepeal Excise Tax on High-Cost Plans
$10BReplace Employer Health Care Exclusion with a Flat Credit (In Place of Excise Tax)
-$340BReduce Troops to 60,000 by 2015
-$350BReduce Troops to 30,000 by 2013
-$740BMaintain Current Funding Levels
$0Renew All the Tax Cuts
$3,280BRenew the Tax Cuts on Income Below $250k/200k
$2,590BReduce Lower Rate Cuts by Half and Let Upper-Income Cuts Expire
$2,060BAllow All the Tax Cuts, Except for AMT Patches, to Expire
$480BGrow Regular Discretionary Spending with GDP
$1,290BAdopt the Discretionary Spending Growth Rates in the President's Budget
$680BGrow Regular Discretionary Spending with Inflation
$0Enact Administration's Proposed Weapon System Cuts
-$30BCut Foreign Economic Aid in Half
-$110BIncrease Foreign Economic Aid by 50%
$110BReduce Veteran's Income Security Benefits
-$50BExpand Veteran's Income Security Benefits
$30BCancel Missile Defense System
-$50BReduce Spending on Ship Building
-$50BIncrease Homeland Security Spending
$50BIncrease Number of troops by 46,000
$70BReverse "Grow the Army" Initiative
-$90BCancel Unobligated ARRA Funds
-$190BEnact New Jobs Bill
$100BDecrease Highway Funding by 25%
-$200BIncrease Highway Funding by 25%
$200BFreeze Average Unemployment Benefits at 2009 Levels
-$50BCut Temporary Assistance to Needy Families (TANF) Program
-$50BCut Federal Funding of K-12 Education by 25%
-$60BEliminate the New Markets Tax Credit
-$40BCut School Breakfast Programs
-$30BDouble Funding on Adoption and Foster Care
$70BIncrease Funding for the Education of Disadvantaged and Disabled Children
$290BRaise the Normal Retirement Age to 68
-$110BGradually Reduce Scheduled Benefits (by 30% in 2080)
-$100BProgressively Reduce Benefits, Protecting Low Earners
-$80BProgressively Reduce Benefits, Protecting Low and Medium Earners
-$60BUse An Alternate Measure of Inflation for COLAs
-$100BReduce Spousal Benefits from 50% to 33%
-$20BIncrease Years Used to Calculate Benefits
-$40BInclude all New State and Local Workers
-$80BInstitute a Minimum Benefit
$130BExpand Coverage to an Additional 5 Million People
$130BReduce Insurance Subsidies by 20%
-$160BRepeal Entire Legislation
$160BRepeal Legislation, but Keep Medicare/Medicaid Cuts
-$260BIncrease Cost-Sharing for Medicare
-$100BRaise Medicare Premiums to 35% of Costs
-$140BInstitute a Public Option
-$40BEnact Medical Malpractice Reform
-$50BIncrease the Medicare Retirement Age to 67
-$80BReplace Traditional Medicare with Insurance Vouchers
-$120BReduce Funding Removing Floor on Matches
-$130BIncrease Average Matches from 57% to 60%
$140BEliminate Certain Outdated Programs
-$40BTwo Year Freeze of Federal Civilian Pay
-$50BIntroduce Minimum Out-of-Pocket Expenses and Federal Cost Sharing for TRICARE for Life
-$40BReform Federal Retiree Benefits
-$30BCancel NASA Missions to the Moon and Mars
-$40BReduce Farm Subsidies
-$80BExpand Spending on Federal Research & Development
$100Cut All Earmarks and Use Half of Savings for Deficit Reduction
-$80BIncrease Mass Transit Funding
$60BIncrease User Fees Across the Board
-$40BSell Certain Government Assets
-$70BImpose Financial Crisis Responsibility Fee
-$80BReform International Tax System
-$120BEnact Carbon Tax or Cap-and-Trade
-$330BIncrease Gas Tax by 10 Cents per Gallon
-$80BEnact Five Percent VAT With Partial Rebate
-$630BGradually Increase Dependent Exemption by $3,500
$190BImpose Surtax on Income above $1 million
-$190BGradually Increase Payroll Tax by One Percentage Point
-$130BRaise Cap to Cover 90% of Earnings
-$420BInstitute Two Percent Surtax on Earnings Above Cap
-$190BReduce Corporate Tax Rate from 35% to 30%
$390BIndex Tax Code to Alternate Measure of Inflation
-$80BImprove Tax Collection (Reduce Tax Gap)
-$20BTax Fringe Benefits as Regular Income
-$70BLimit Mortgage Interest and Other Itemized Deductions for High Earners
-$250BCurtail State and Local Tax Deduction
-$470BEliminate Life Insurance Tax Benefits
-$220BEliminate Subsidies for Biofuels
-$110BMake Research & Development Tax Credit Permanent
$80BExtend $400/person Making Work Pay Credit
$400BCut the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC)
-$70BExpand the EITC and Child Tax Credit
$90BExtend "American Opportunity" College Tax Credit
$60BBegin Excise Tax on High-Cost Plans in 2013 Instead of 2018
-$110BRepeal Excise Tax on High-Cost Plans
$10BReplace Employer Health Care Exclusion with a Flat Credit (In Place of Excise Tax)
-$340BQ: Where do the data for the options come from?
The large majority of data originate from official Congressional Budget Office or Office of Management and Budget estimates – primarily CBO’s Budget Options publication, and the President’s budget, published by OMB; to a lesser degree, some data come from the Joint Committee on Taxation. Data also come from CBO estimates of legislative proposals not included in Budget Options. Finally, in a small number of cases, data are from non-governmental sources that have proven credible. For example, our savings for cutting earmarks is a conservative number based on estimates made by Taxpayers for Common Sense and Citizens Against Government Waste.
Q: How does debt affect the federal budget?
As with personal credit cards or mortgages, the government cannot borrow for free and must pay interest. Who does the government pay interest to? Interest payments, now at 6 percent of the budget, will grow to 15 percent by 2018, squeezing out other budgetary priorities. Every dollar spent on interest is a dollar that might be spent on research, education, or tax cuts.
Government borrowing also affects the cost of individual borrowing. Our creditors have traditionally seen the United States and its debt as a secure investment. But as concerns about our fiscal stability grow, investors may not want to buy more U.S. debt. The U.S. Treasury will then have to raise interest rates on U.S. bonds to attract the funds we need, further increasing the interest burden on the budget.
Q: What’s the different between the debt and the deficit?
The deficit is the difference between revenue and spending in a given fiscal year. The debt is the amount owed to creditors who have financed the government’s borrowing, and represents the accumulation over time of that borrowing, plus interest.
Q: We have heard about government debt and deficits for years. Why is now different?
In fiscal year 2009, the United States had the highest one-year deficit as a share of the economy since the years shortly after World War II. While the debt usually goes up in times of war and economic downturns, it typically shrinks back down once the national crisis is over. But this time, we face the prospect of ever-growing government debt. Under reasonable assumptions about what Congress and the President are likely to do, the public debt will grow steadily as a share of the economy, reaching 85 percent by 2018, 100 percent by 2022, and 200 percent in 2038. (The average since World War II is below 50 percent).
Q: Why a debt to GDP ratio?
Debt as a percentage of GDP, rather than a specific dollar amount goal, measures the economic capacity of a nation to afford its national debt. If the economy saw tremendous growth, a set dollar goal would be easily met by the increased government revenue that would result from economic growth and would represent a smaller drain on the economy. In contrast, debt as a percentage of GDP accounts for economic growth and decline and measures our ability to maintain a debt-to-income ratio at some specific level, or within some range.
Q: Won’t cutting the debt now hurt the economy?
We recognize the impact that cutting our debt too quickly could hurt the economic recovery. Our plan recommends waiting to implement the policy changes until 2012. Making aggressive changes any earlier could harm the economy, particularly when unemployment is expected to remain high and the economy is expected to remain below its potential.
But if we wait too long, we will leave the country reliant on excessively high borrowing for too long. So far, the United States has been able to borrow at a lower rate and without too much trouble. But if the markets or our creditors get nervous about our debt, that could change abruptly—and are more likely to do so if no debt plan is put in place.
Q: Do you track the budget choices I make?
The choices you make are not automatically tracked by us. Only by filling in the demographic information and clicking the "Submit" button on the final Results page do you provide the Committee for a Respsonsible Federal Budget with your budget choices. The user is not required to submit this information, but we hope you will as it will provide us with important data in determining preferences and trends among the public. CRFB will provide analysis of aggregated data that will be useful to policymakers and others in determining what types of budget policies the public may or may not support. CRFB will not provide individual information to anyone. Those who complete the simulation through the special Dallas Morning News link and choose to submit their data will also have their choices analyzed by Dallas Morning News staff and may be contacted by a DMN reporter.
Q: Who is responsible for this simulator?
The Stabilize the Debt budget simulator is presented by the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget, a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization dedicated to educating the public on federal budget and fiscal issues and promoting fiscal responsibility in Washington. CRFB is a partner in the Peterson-Pew Commission on Budget Reform. We are grateful to Ripple Communications and TrestleMedia for their work in developing the simulator.
Q: What is the purpose of the simulator?
To stimulate an informed debate on the fiscal direction of the country and what can be done to improve it. We all have our thoughts on how to reduce the debt. How do your choices stack up?
The Stabilize the Debt simulator was designed to illustrate how budget choices affect debt held by the public in the medium and long term. The numbers in this simulation measure the cumulative change in debt from 2010-2018. The simulator also calculates whether the debt will remain stable through 2030.
To construct our list of options, we reviewed proposals and suggestions from a number of groups in and outside of government. Many of our cost and savings estimates are based on the Congressional Budget Office's (CBO) "Budget Options" reports, and other CBO documents. For Social Security options, we relied on short- and long-term projections from the Office of the Chief Actuary of the Social Security Administration. Other estimates came from the Office of Management and Budget, the Joint Committee on Taxation, several outside groups, and our own calculations.
Generally speaking, we assumed that most policies would phase in over time, and have little or no effect before 2012. Since most non-Social Security options are only formally estimated over a ten year period, we used our own calculations to extrapolate their effects in the second decade. In most cases, this meant assuming past growth rates would continue. When there were specific reasons to believe these trends would not continue, our extrapolations differed.
To convert from deficit impact to cumulative debt impact, we calculated the interest effects of each policy change, and then calculated cumulative deficit and interest costs. Although our calculations were done in consultation with experts, any budget estimates are inherently uncertain -- depending not only on the exact nature of the policy, but also on the economic situation and on behavior responses to policy which may be difficult to predict. Beyond the ten year budget window, this uncertainty increases.
This simulation does not employ dynamic scoring in calculating its figures. Many of the options, individually or together, may significantly impact economic growth, such as tax cuts or investments in infrastructure and research and development. However, given the uncertainty in magnitude of these effects, we adopt the standard scoring convention which assumes that policy changes will not lead to changes in macroeconomic variables. As there is no standard for applying dynamic scoring, we follow common budgeting procedure as practiced by organizations like CBO.
This budget simulation does not attempt to encompass all aspects of the federal budget process, which is long and complicated. What this simulation does is allow users to make decisions about what their budget priorities would be among the available choices, given the constraint of attempting to achieve a 60% debt-to-GDP ratio. This brief summary gives users a general idea of the federal budget process.∗
Federal agencies begin preparing formal budget proposals for the next fiscal year almost a year before actual submission. Those proposals are submitted to the President via the Office of Management and Budget. Then, in February, after much back and forth between federal agencies and OMB, the President submits a comprehensive budget to Congress. The budget consists of estimates of spending, revenues, borrowing, and debt; policy and legislative recommendations; detailed estimates of the financial operations of federal agencies and programs; data on the actual and projected performance of the economy; and other information supporting the President’s recommendations.
The Congressional Budget Act of 1974 (CBA) established procedures for Congress to adopt its own budget framework, or budget resolution, to guide subsequent spending and tax bills. The framework is effectively a joint rule of Congress, and hence does not have the force of law and is not binding on the executive branch. The President’s budget generally does influence the Congressional budget, but the extent of that influence depends on the political climate and fiscal condition of the country at the time.
Typically, during March, the House and Senate Budget Committees mark up and report to their respective bodies a budget plan in the form of a concurrent resolution on the budget. This budget resolution is drafted using the President’s budget request, information from the Budget Committees’ own hearings, views and estimates reports from other committees, and CBO reports. The budget resolution is required to provide (for the upcoming fiscal year and for each of at least the next 4 years) the total level of new budget authority, outlays, revenues, the deficit or surplus, the public debt, and spending by broad functional category. The budget resolution also may include special directions, called reconciliation instructions, to authorizing committees to report legislation to make changes in direct spending programs designed to achieve a specified amount of savings (or spending increase). Similarly, it can include directions to the tax-writing committees to make the changes in tax law necessary to meet revenue targets.
The CBA calls for adoption of a budget resolution by April 15th of each year. In practice this rarely happens, and in some years no formal budget resolution is actually adopted
Under CBA rules, Congress can theoretically block consideration of legislation that exceeds the spending and revenue level established in the budget resolution.
The budget resolution is enforceable only through congressional rules that Congress can choose to waive. For a budget rule to be enforced, a member must raise a point of order against any legislation that violates the rule. However, Congress, can and frequently does waive these points of order.
Nearly all sources of revenue for federal spending are financed through taxes. Some fees and other sources of revenue are also collected. The remaining shortfall between a year’s revenues collected and spending initiated is financed through borrowing. At times, though rarely, more revenues are collected than there is spending, resulting in a surplus. But in recent years, in part do to actions taken to help stabilize the economy, the gap between revenues and spending has been growing compared to historical norms, and annual deficits and accumulated debt have been summarily growing as well.
In fiscal year 2009, the United States had the highest one-year deficit as a share of the economy since the years shortly after World War II. While the debt usually goes up in times of war and economic downturns, it typically shrinks back down once the national crisis is over. But this time, we face the prospect of ever-growing government debt. Under reasonable assumptions about what Congress and the President are likely to do, the public debt will grow steadily as a share of the economy, reaching 85 percent by 2018, 100 percent by 2022, and 200 percent in 2038. (The average since World War II is below 50 percent).
There are two types of spending: discretionary spending, which is controlled through the annual appropriations process, and direct or mandatory spending, which is outside of the appropriations process. Changes to direct spending programs require a special legislative process, and are often highly controversial. In general, direct spending programs are basically on automatic pilot and grow without check or review.
This simulation does not make distinctions between discretionary and mandatory spending, and the actual processes required to make changes in certain areas, such as Social Security or Medicare. Legislative, changes to these mandatory spending programs involve a complicated process. But the simulation is simply designed to allow users to choose among the various options, and attempt to reach the 60 percent debt-to-GDP goal. Simulation data and options will be updated periodically to reflect new budget estimates issued from CBO and OMB and to remove options that have been enacted into law.
∗ The Government Accountability Office and Congressional Research Service provide very extensive accounts of the full federal budget process. A recent version of the frequently updated CRS report, “Introduction to the Federal Budget Process” may be found here http://budget.house.gov/crs-reports/98-721.pdf. The GAO description of the process is in Appendix 1 of its “A Glossary of Terms Used in the Federal Budget Process”, and may be found here http://www.gao.gov/new.items/d05734sp.pdf.