CQ is reporting (subscription required) that the main obstacle to the defense appropriations authorization, which must be addressed during the lame duck session, are a pair of Defense Department proposals to slow the growth of military personnel spending. These recommendations would save $16-$18 billion over five years, providing room for other spending under the defense caps. However, while the Senate Armed Services Committee accepted these proposals, the House rejected them. If Congress requires the Pentagon to cut its budget but keeps rejecting the Pentagon's ideas for budget savings, they will ultimately need to make even more difficult choices.
The first policy, which would slow the rapidly rising cost of health care, would increase co-pays for pharmaceutical drugs in TRICARE. Co-pays for 30-day supplies would gradually increase over ten years from $5 to $14 for generic drugs and $17 to $45 for brand-name drugs. For 90-day mail-orders, they would increase similarly from $0 to $14 for generic drugs and $13 to $45 for brand-name drugs. Non-formulary brand-name drugs would see co-pays of $90, up from $43. The Pentagon has stressed that these increases are necessary to control health care costs and further encourage the use of cheaper generic drugs.
The second policy would slow the growth of the Basic Allowance for Housing (BAH) so that its coverage would fall on average from 100 percent of housing costs to 95 percent. The 5 percent of housing expenses that servicemembers would be expected to cover would still be well below the 20 percent they had to cover in the 1990s.
As expected, the Obama Administration today issued amendments to its FY 2015 war spending (Overseas Contingency Operations) request, adding $5.6 billion for ISIS-related operations to the $65.8 billion already requested. The request includes $5 billion for the Defense Department and $520 million for support for opposition in Syria, Lebanon, and Jordan as well as humanitarian assistance in Iraq and Syria.
The Pentagon spending mostly goes to operations and maintenance accounts in support of the Army and Air Force. The request also includes a $1.6 billion Iraq Train and Equip Fund, which would provide military support and training for the Iraqi government through FY 2017. Other items include support for the moderate Syrian opposition and support for the Jordanian and Lebanese governments in securing their borders.
|Administration Amendments to War Spending Request by Category|
|Category||FY 2015 Spending|
|Previous OCO Request||$65.8 billion|
|Military Personnel||$0.1 billion|
|Operations and Maintenance||$2.3 billion|
|Iraq Train and Equip Fund||$1.6 billion|
|Research, Development, Testing, and Evaluation||$0.1 billion|
|Syrian Opposition Funding||$0.2 billion|
|Jordan and Lebanon Funding||$0.3 billion|
|Humanitarian Assistance||$0.1 billion|
|Amended OCO Request
Numbers may not sum due to rounding.
With the 2014 midterm elections mostly in the books, the current Congress will return from weeks of campaigning to finish some remaining items before the end of the year and the swearing in of the new Congress. This year's lame duck session will likely to be less busy than some years, but there are still a few key things to get done before the 114th Congress begins.
The current continuing resolution funding the government will expire on December 11, so policymakers will have to either extend it, enact appropriations bills, or cause a shutdown. This is the most important to-do list item for the lame duck Congress. Prior to the recess, appropriators indicated they wanted to get an omnibus appropriations bill done instead of a CR extending funding into the next Congress, and the chances of that look good -- thanks to the Murray-Ryan agreement setting defense and non-defense spending levels, House and Senate funding allocations are relatively close. Key questions that remain include whether lawmakers will provide supplemental funding for Ebola or ISIS and also what level of war spending they will provide (hopefully below the current level -- see "to-don't" list below).
For background on the appropriations process, see our Appropriations 101 document.
Pass Defense Authorization
Somewhat related to appropriations, lawmakers will also have to pass a defense authorization bill. For the budget world, this may be important to see if Congress will consider codifying a strict definition of war spending -- as the House budget resolution and an amendment to the House defense appropriations bill did -- or consider personnel savings policies that the Pentagon has long called for. Doing either of those things may help policymakers stay within the defense spending caps in the future and better ensure the integrity of those caps.
The Center for American Progress' Katherine Blakeley and Lawrence Korb recently issued a report recommending how lawmakers should wind down war spending, known as Overseas Contingency Operations (OCO), as U.S. involvement in Afghanistan wanes. OCO has become a headache for budget enforcement because, unlike base defense spending, it is not capped and so it has been used to avoid the discretionary spending caps.
Making matters worse, the continuing resolution funding the government for the first two-and-a-half months of FY 2015 continued OCO spending at last year's levels, $26 billion above the Administration's request (at an annualized rate). Congress should address this issue during the lame duck session by making prudent use of the OCO designation in any government funding bill to limit spending to war needs and codify criteria for use of the OCO designation in the defense authorization bill.
Blakeley and Korb make five main recommendations:
- Keep OCO funds tied to the costs of war
- Stop using OCO funds as a ‘safety valve’ for the base defense budget
- Do not make OCO a permanent emergency fund
- Exercise authorizing and oversight authority for military action
- Have the tough conversations about defense resources and trade-offs
The resolution setting next year's budget continues this year's levels of war spending, despite the fact that the federal government was supposed to spend much less after reducing troop levels in Afghanistan. It contains war spending at an annualized level $26 billion higher than requested by the President. Even if some funds are spent on operations against the Islamic State terrorist group, billions are still being appropriated above what is needed for overseas operations without a clear purpose.
Broadly, the continuing resolution extends last year's spending level of $1.012 trillion for regular discretionary spending. (See our blog House Resolution Continues Last Year’s Spending, Mostly for the exceptions). In addition, Congress designates an amount for Overseas Contingency Operations (OCO) not restricted by the same discretionary spending caps. The resolution continues OCO funding at the FY 2014 level of $92 billion, $26 billion higher on an annual basis than the Administration's $66 billion request.
Since the resolution only covers two-and-a-half months, continuing spending at the FY14 rate would provide about $5 billion more than requested for the length of the CR. The decision to continue funding for OCO at the last year's levels could be even more significant if Congress continues this policy when revisiting a long-term CR or omnibus bill after this CR expires in December.
Recent events in Iraq and Syria have raised the prospect of expanding military operations in the region beyond airstrikes. Gordon Adams in a Fiscal Times article roughly estimated that $10 billion-$15 billion per year would be required to expand air operations and provide ground support for a campaign against ISIS, though the estimate is uncertain because it is not clear exactly how the U.S. would respond. Regardless of the exact number, it is clear that if the military is to expand its operations in Iraq and Syria, it would cost billions of dollars.
Given high and growing debt levels, lawmakers should avoid substantially adding to the debt to fund the operation.
Of course, the "path of least resistance" would be for Congress to fund these new costs by designating them as Overseas Contingency Operations (OCO), which are not subject to the same statutory caps that constrain most discretionary spending. And to be fair, the increased costs would indeed be used toward overseas operations in Iraq. Yet, every major budget assumes OCO spending will decline, and using the OCO designation as a slush fund for any new military operation could significantly worsen the debt situation.
A sensible solution to this concern might be to accompany any new funding for ISIS with a set of OCO caps, designed to limit total funds spent on military operations in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Note: CBO has issued a more detailed score of the bill. The table has been updated to reflect these numbers.
The Obama Administration yesterday released the details of its request for war spending (Overseas Contingency Operations, or OCO), with a grand total of $66 billion of funding – $60 billion new funding in addition to $6 billion of State Department/international program funding already in the President's budget.
Both the House and Senate have passed bills reforming the VA, and a conference committee must now meet to hammer out differences between the two bills. Yesterday, CRFB President Maya MacGuineas sent a letter to the 28 conferees, calling for the resulting bill to take a fiscally responsible approach and honor our nation's commitment to veterans without adding to the national debt.
The Congressional Budget Office today released a preliminary analysis of several sections of the House VA reform bill. Like the Senate bill that we analyzed last week, the legislation would increase VA health spending by allowing the VA to contract with private health providers. In fact, if appropriators fully funded the House legislation, it could cost more than the Senate bill.