August 2010

MY VIEW: Gene Steuerle

Lowering the Heat Around Raising Retirement Age

In the following op-ed for the San Francisco Chronicle on Friday, August 27, I tackle five of the myths surrounding an increase in the retirement age—including claims that it would be regressive and that the elderly have anything to fear from Social Security reform. Although not the subject of this article, reform should also aim to improve benefits on average for low- and moderate-income retirees, as well as for those who are older and frailer.

House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer and Republican counterpart John Boehner may feel as though they were battered this summer when they suggested that because people are living longer, Social Security retirement ages should rise. Both met with a hailstorm of criticism, some of which derived from myths surrounding the retirement age.

Myth 1: Increasing the retirement age will reduce benefits. Compared with what today's retirees get, no. Under most proposals, increasing the retirement age reduces only the rate of benefit growth from one generation of retirees to the next, as real annual benefits still grow and people continue to live longer.

Under Congressional Budget Office projections, for instance, increasing the normal retirement age gradually from 67 (where current law will put it by 2022) to 70 would still allow expected median lifetime benefits per person to increase from about $250,000 for today's people in their 50s to $360,000 for their 10-year-old kids.

Myth 2: Increasing the retirement age discriminates against low-income workers who have shorter life expectancies. Nope, and it's largely irrelevant. Low-income groups receive a disproportionate share of disability benefits, and any change in retirement age wouldn't affect those on disability or those who don't live long enough even to receive old-age benefits. There are many better ways to protect and help low-income workers.

Myth 3: Increasing the retirement age makes Social Security reform regressive. Wrong again. The progressivity of reform will be determined by the package as a whole, not by bits and pieces. Not that it should matter, then, but partly because retirement age changes don't affect those on disability, higher-income groups tend to be relatively more affected by increases in the retirement age.

By way of contrast, consider the commonly discussed reform of tweaking the annual cost of living adjustment (COLA). Whereas a retirement age change asks people to adjust when they are healthier and wealthier, COLAs compound over retirement to hit hardest those in their late 80s or 90s, whose annual benefits eventually might fall by 10 or 15 percent.

Myth 4: Social Security's Old-Age Insurance goes to the old. Not really. Social Security has morphed into a middle-age retirement system. It defines people as old - eligible for Old-Age Insurance - when they are 62. When this benefit was first made available 70 years ago, people couldn't get it until they were 65, and on average they retired at age 68 (compared with about 64 today).

If Americans were to retire for the same number of years today as they did then, on average they would work until about age 75 and, within another 60 years, to age 80. Instead, most draw benefits for about a decade more than they did when the system was first established - now approaching one-third of their adult lives. One or another partner in a couple retiring at age 62 today will probably draw benefits for about 26 years!

Myth 5: The elderly need to fear such Social Security reforms as increasing the retirement age. Of all the crazy myths that interest groups can rant, blog and tweet about, none is sillier than this one. Budget reform is around the corner, and the elderly will feel the pinch along with everyone else. Already, subsidies for Medicare Advantage plans held by the elderly have been cut back, and some tax rates are likely to rise.

But Social Security reform? Apart from the possible COLA change, not a single Social Security benefit reform option on the table would affect anyone currently older than 60. Literally, grandfathers are grandfathered into today's system. Social Security reform is almost entirely an issue for today's middle-aged and young people. Purely from self-interest, the elderly should lobby for Social Security reform because no other budget revision so totally exempts them from sharing the pain of deficit reduction.

Social Security is a huge program - its 2009 tab came to $678 billion, or about 20 percent of the federal budget - with lots of moving parts. Because the effects of the whole system matter most, the electorate and the elected need to see how all reforms fit together to make Social Security solvent and secure for all generations.

Gene Steuerle is a member of the board of directors of the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget. He also is a senior fellow at The Urban Institute, co-director of the Urban- Brookings Tax Policy Center, and a columnist for Tax Notes Magazine.

"My Views" are works published by members of the Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget, but they do not necessarily reflect the views of all members of the committee.

 

Note: This article originally appeared in the San Francisco Chronicle.

Trichet Calls for ‘Ambitious’ Debt Reduction

While a great deal of attention has been given to Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke’s address in Jackson Hole, Wyoming on Friday, the remarks provided that day by his trans-Atlantic counterpart, European Central Bank President Jean-Claude Trichet, deserve equal, if not more, attention. Trichet highlighted the need for “ambitious” fiscal consolidation in promoting the global economic recovery.

Trichet said that the debt overhang among families, the public and private sectors is primarily responsible for the slowing down of the economic recovery. He argued against using inflation to solve the debt overhang, saying that such a policy “has been disastrous everywhere.” He also dismissed “living with the debt” in order to pursue economic stimulus in the short term. He pointed out Japan’s “lost decade” in the 1990s as an example of the failure of ignoring imbalances. Trichet contended that addressing the debt will promote growth and that strong growth will, in turn, make it easier to reduce the debt.

He acknowledged that reaching the target of a 60 percent debt-to-GDP ratio (as the Peterson-Pew Commission on Budget Reform also recommended in the report, Red Ink Rising) will require sizable decreases in debt, but said that such reductions “are not uncommon and quite feasible.” He provided post-war United Kingdom, Belgium in the late 1990s and 2000’s, Ireland, Spain, the Netherlands and Finland in the mid 1990s as examples. He also made it clear that he was “skeptical” of arguments that fiscal consolidation could severely harm the fragile economy. Rather, Trichet maintained that timely fiscal consolidation would strengthen the economy, while delay would be costly.

He reaffirmed the ECB’s membership in CRFB’s “Announcement Effect Club” by reasoning that announcing a credible fiscal plan now would aid the economy by removing uncertainty that debt will be addressed.

Timeliness does not necessarily mean that all measures are implemented immediately. Rather, it implies that a credible long-term plan is announced in time. Although fiscal adjustment itself may be gradual, it is important to announce a credible road-map for fiscal consolidation as soon as possible. With a credible road-map, and a consistent step-by-step implementation of the consolidation measures that it involves, the uncertainty diminishes or perhaps even vanishes completely. As a consequence, fiscal consolidation pushes the economy towards a durable recovery.

We completely agree.

‘Line’ Items: Emmy Edition

From Red Carpet to Red Ink – The Emmy Awards last night celebrated the best in TV. In Washington, the plotlines are still being written for this fall, but fiscal issues are sure to get star treatment.

No “Glee” from S&P – A senior executive with rating agency Standard & Poor’s last week warned the U.S. that its AAA credit rating was at risk down the road if action is not taken to address mounting national debt. The official specifically mentioned that they would closely follow the recommendations of the White House fiscal commission later this year and how Congress reacts.

“Mad Men” (and Women) of CRFB Release Realistic Baselines – Last week CRFB released its Medium- and Long-Term Baselines, which forecast a bleak budget outlook based on realistic assumptions about future policy. CRFB calculates that, absent significant policy action to change course, debt will reach 75 percent of GDP in 2015, 89 percent in 2020, and 127 percent in 2030.

A “Modern Family” Get-Together in Jackson Hole – Economists and central bankers descended upon Jackson Hole, Wyoming for an annual economic symposium where monetary and fiscal policy were hot topics. In his address, Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke admitted that the U.S. economy was sluggish and that the Fed stood ready to make sure the recovery continued. European Central Bank President Jean-Claude Trichet told the gathering that now that the worst of the financial crisis is over, governments must aggressively reduce their debt. CRFB President Maya MacGuineas was there and talked to CNBC about fiscal policy and the need for a credible debt reduction plan.

Presidential Panel Seeks “Big Bang Theory” for Tax Reform – On Friday the President’s Economic Recovery Advisory Board submitted a report on tax reform options. The report offers several ideas for improving the tax code, along with pros and cons of each. Hopefully, the report will initiate a much-needed discussion on fundamental tax reform that modernizes the inefficient tax code and broadens the tax base.

Boehner Seeks to be “The Closer” – House Republican Leader John Boehner (R-OH) gave a much-publicized speech on the economy last week that is seen as a part of his effort to provide the closing campaign argument for control of the House of Representatives. He devoted significant time to fiscal policy in his remarks. Of particular importance were his statements on the need for tax reform. His acknowledgement that some tax breaks need to be reexamined and the tax code simplified are welcomed and could open the door for bipartisan reform.

Are Unemployment Numbers Still “Breaking Bad”? – Observers are eagerly awaiting the August unemployment report due Friday as an indicator of the strength of the recovery.

CRFB President Comments on Fiscal Policy in Jackson Hole

At the Federal Reserve meetings in Jackson Hole, CRFB President Maya MacGuineas, commented on fiscal policy and the need for a credible debt reduction plan.

Watch a video of the interview below, or click here to go to CNBC.

 

 

Presidential Panel Releases Tax Reform Report

Today the President’s Economic Recovery Advisory Board issued a report on tax reform options. The report should encourage and inform a vital discussion on the need for fundamental tax reform and hopefully will broaden the current narrow debate over extending the 2001/2003 tax cuts.

PERAB was created by the president last year “to ensure the availability of independent, nonpartisan information, analysis, and advice as he formulates and implements his plans for economic recovery and enhancing the strength and competitiveness of the Nation’s economy.” It is chaired by former Federal Reserve chairman, and CRFB board member, Paul Volcker.

The report is in response to a request from President Obama to provide options for changing the tax system to achieve three goals: simplifying the tax system, improving taxpayer compliance with existing tax laws, and reforming the corporate tax system. The president stipulated that the options presented could not raise taxes on families earning less than $250,000. The panel took this as meaning that the options taken together had to be revenue neutral for this cohort.

The report does not make specific policy recommendations, but offers a detailed list of options with pros and cons for each. A multitude of options are offered, including simplifying tax filing; raising the standard deduction and reducing itemized deductions; simplifying or eliminating the AMT; broadening the corporate tax base; and eliminating or reducing tax expenditures.

Offering a detailed list and providing pros and cons of each option opens a much-needed conversation on improving the antiquated and inadequate tax code. Focusing on simplification and efficiency, closing the tax gap and corporate tax reform are important and must be part of the conversation. But the dialogue will also have to include broadening the tax base as part of larger efforts to reduce fiscal imbalances.

The section on tax expenditures is particularly insightful, stating,

Many of these provisions distort economic activity, increase the complexity of the tax code, and violate principles that businesses with similar characteristics should be treated equally. Eliminating specific expenditures would thus improve efficiency while simplifying the tax code.

Options discussed are eliminating the domestic production credit; eliminating or reducing accelerated depreciation; and eliminating special rules for employee stock ownership plans. In light of recent remarks from House Republican Leader John Boehner regarding tax expenditures, a genuine opportunity exists for action.

PERAB has provided policymakers with a good reference; now it is time for them to work together to fundamentally improve the tax code.

A Liberal Voice for Budget Reform

An op-ed in the New York Times yesterday featured Rep. Earl Blumenauer (D-OR) and his unorthodox approach to fiscal sustainability. Unlike many of his peers on the Hill, Rep. Blumenauer does not believe in extensive federal program cuts to balance the budget—but he has advocated extensively for the need to balance the budget, somehow, and soon. Pushing aside the traditional conservative vs. liberal debate that seems to always center on the continuation of major federal programs like Social Security—with no room for compromise between leaving them unchanged to help those who rely on them and reducing benefits to help decrease the deficit—Blumenauer instead puts the focus on their efficacy, arguing that if their supporters really want to protect them in the long term, they must “bring their costs in line with reality” and figure out how to realistically pay them.

Credibility, he argues—of both individual programs’ longevity and of the sustainability of the federal budget as a whole—is crucial, and is in fact the only way to protect individual Americans’ investments in our systems. Programs like Social Security, for example, simply can’t exist on “make-believe money,” and if its long-term credibility problem was fixed—in other words, if young Americans today believed that the program they’re paying into today will still exist upon their retirement—they will be more willing to pay, because “they’re convinced their getting their value,” says Blumenauer. Along these lines, Blumenauer encourages liberals to seriously consider changing the benefit structure of Social Security, including “progressive price indexing,” or pegging more Americans’ benefits to the consumer price index rather than their wages and reducing overall government payouts.

Whatever way it’s done, we agree wholeheartedly with Blumenauer that fiscal reform is critical to the future success of our government and the programs that Americans rely on. For our projections on Social Security's fiscal path and recommendations for reform, see CRFB's report here.

CRFB Releases Its Realistic Baselines

Today, CRFB released a new policy paper showing a more probable fiscal outlook over the coming decade than what baseline budget projections would predict. Late last week, CBO released its updated current law budget and economic assumptions. While current law projections show debt continuing to grow over the next ten years, it is highly likely that actual deficits and debt will be much worse over both the medium- and long-term.

Under current law, debt is projected to grow from 62 percent of GDP this year to 69 percent by 2020. However, this current law baseline assumes that a number of policies that are scheduled to expire actually actually do, when in all likelihood many of them will be extended. There are four main assumptions in current law projections that are unlikely to materialize and will push deficits and debt even higher:

  • The 2001/2003 tax cuts will fully expire at the end of this year;
  • Lawmakers will stop "patching" the Alternative Minimum Tax (AMT) to keep it from hitting middle-income earners;
  • Medicare physician payments will fall by about 30 percent over the next few years;
  • Discretionary spending will grow in line with inflation over the next ten year, declining as a share of GDP.

Incorporating these changes (and a few other small ones) on top of baseline deficits will drastically increase out borrowing needs over the medium- and long-term.

  2011-2020 (billions)
Current Law Deficits $6,246
Extend 2001/2003 Tax Cuts for All but Top Earners $1,727
Index AMT to Inflation $583
Interaction Between Tax Cuts and AMT $683
Medicare Pay Patch $276
Faster Discretionary Growth $1,273
Reduce Troops in Iraq and Afghanistan -$914
Interest $810
CRFB Realistic Baseline Deficits $10,683

 

Under CRFB's Realistic Baseline, debt would reach 89 percent of GDP in 2020 - much higher than the 69 percent projected under current law.

CRFB also developed a more realistic long-term baseline (click here to read about all of our long-term assumptions). Instead of debt rising to 85 percent of GDP by 2040, to 94 percent by 2060, and to 114 percent by 2080 (note: long-term baseline figures adjusted by CRFB to include CBO's updated medium-term projections from last week), debt would rise to 127 percent of GDP by 2030, to 182 percent by 2040, and to 246 percent by 2050 under more realistic assumptions. Surely, no economy could ever sustain such enormous debt levels.

In the policy paper, CRFB argues that policymakers should decide which policies are most important to continue, and then they should offset the costs of whichever policies they keep.

 

 

S&P Warns U.S. About Credit Rating

Credit-rating agency Standard & Poor’s has a message to U.S. policymakers: We are watching you on the growing national debt.

In an interview today in Dow Jones Newswire, the chairman of S&P’s sovereign rating committee said that the U.S. government will need to take steps to protect its cherished AAA credit rating. He specifically referenced the White House fiscal commission and indicated that the agency would closely watch how lawmakers deal with its recommendations due to be issued after the November elections.

"It is very important for the credit standing of the United States that the Congress considers very carefully what the fiscal commission proposes," John Chambers, chairman of S&P's sovereign rating committee, was quoted as saying.

"It is very important for Congress to take the required steps."

While the article indicates that there is not much chance of the U.S. credit rating being downgraded very soon, S&P has been making it clear recently that the country won’t be given slack indefinitely for its mounting debt. New baseline projections released today by CRFB underscore how unsustainable the current course is. CRFB forecasts that U.S. debt will reach 75 percent of GDP in 2015, 89 percent in 2020, and 127 percent in 2030 if no action is taken.

The remarks indicate that the markets are watching for signs that policymakers will confront the mounting long-term debt and that they will look at the fiscal commission as a bellwether. This gives new emphasis to the work of the National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform.

The bipartisan panel is being pressured from all sides not to recommend cutting certain programs or to deal with the revenue side of the equation, making it more difficult to find solutions. The comments from S&P illustrate that the inability of the commission to issue recommendations or the failure of Congress to act on the proposal could be seen by markets and creditors as a sign that the country is not able to change course, which could have severe repercussions for the U.S. economy.

If the credit rating of the country is lowered and U.S. debt is no longer attractive to investors, interest rates will rise – restraining economic growth. Developing a credible plan to deal with the debt will be essential to maintaining our credit worthiness. That is why CRFB has been calling for a fiscal plan now that can be implemented as the economy recovers. Many experts believe that the announcement of a credible plan would reassure markets and allow the U.S. to continue to enjoy low interest rates, which will aid the fragile recovery. We have formed the “Announcement Effect Club” to highlight prominent individuals that share this view.

We cannot afford to ignore these warnings. We need to develop a credible plan now. And the fiscal commission is a good springboard for action.

Current Policy Extensions and Growth

If lawmakers extended various current policies, as opposed to letting them expire as they are set to under current law, what would happen to economic growth over the coming decade?

In its most recent Long Term Outlook, CBO presented an Alternative Fiscal Scenario (AFS) with current policies that are expected to be extended in the near future—the biggest component of which being a full extension of the 2001/2003 tax cuts. Other assumptions in the AFS include faster discretionary spending growth, AMT patches, and annual "doc fixes" to prevent scheduled cuts in Medicare payments to physicians. The effects of these policies on the alternative baseline show alarming spending growth and comparatively slower revenue growth in the long-run (click here to read our newest policy paper on more realistic medium- and long-term projections). As for their affect on economic growth, in the recent Budget Update CBO states:

"Under those alternative assumptions, real GDP would be higher in the first few years of the projection period but lower in subsequent years than under CBO’s baseline forecast."

So, despite the seemingly positive short-term effects on GDP that tax cuts and other policies may have, growth will be slower later on as a consequence—and federal debt would balloon to 185 percent of GDP by 2035. CBO reports that despite higher growth in the near-term:

"Over time, the negative consequences of very high federal borrowing build up....real GDP would fall below the level in CBO’s baseline projections later in the coming decade because the larger budget deficits would reduce or 'crowd out' investment in productive capital and result in a smaller capital stock."

Interest rates under the AFS would rise to nearly 4 percent of GDP by 2020 -- much higher than the current level of 1.4 percent. The AFS would also improve unemployment in the short-term, estimating that:

“[T]he unemployment rate would be lower by 0.3 to 0.8 percentage points at the end of 2011—that is, 8.0 percent to 8.5 percent.”

Focusing just on the tax cuts, CBO's newest estimates give us an idea just how costly it would be to extend all or parts of them over the coming decade. Since the debate in Washington has been centered on either extending them fully or for those earning less than $200,000 ($250,000 for couples), we have included those costs in the table below.

Action
2011-2020 Budgetary Impact

Fully Extend the Tax Cuts (without AMT)

$2.7 trillion

Fully Extend the Tax Cuts (with AMT)

$3.9 trillion
Extend the Tax Cuts for All but Top Earners (without AMT) $1.7 trillion

Extend the Tax Cuts for All but Top Earners (with AMT)

$3.0 trillion

 

The cost of extending the 2001/2003 tax cuts for all but high earners (and even if they were fully extended) would be even larger if lawmakers continue patching the Alternative Minimum Tax (AMT)—in fact, almost $700 billion more over ten years—and this is very likely to occur. CBO estimates that the tax increases for all but high earners combined with AMT patches would result in $2.4 trillion more in deficits over 10 years, $2.7 trillion if just all the 2001/2003 tax cuts are extended, and a whopping $3.9 trillion more in deficits over 10 years if the AMT patch and all of the 2001/2003 tax cuts are extended.

Clearly, the larger projected debts must be taken into account in any policy debate on tax cut issue. More broadly (and as we argue in our newest policy paper), lawmakers should decide which policies are the most important for the country going forward, and then they should find way to pay for the policies they choose.

Debate over the 2001/2003 Tax Cuts Heats Up

Debate over the 2001/2003 tax cuts is centered on its economic and budgetary aspects and effects. The President has proposed extending the tax cuts only for individuals earning less than $200,000 and couples earning less than $250,000, while letting the tax cuts for individuals and couples above the designated income bracket expire. CBO reports that extending all of the 2001/2003 tax cuts would cost $2.7 trillion over the 2011-2020 period (excluding AMT patches and added interest payments), using the CBO current law baseline as the starting point. The public is also weighing in and is divided. An August 20th CNN Poll found that 51 percent of Americans are in favor or letting the tax cuts expire for families making more than $250,000 while 31 percent oppose such a measure. The Senate is reported to be taking this issue up when it reconvenes in September. In the meantime, many questions have been raised—and opinions have been asserted—about the feasibility, benefits, and consequences of these tax cuts.

Here's what some lawmakers and economists have been saying:

  • CBO wrote in its most recent Budget and Economic Outlook Update that while the tax cut extentions would be beneficial for short-term economic growth, longer-term growth would suffer.
  • Mark Zandi recently wrote an op-ed for the New York Times in which he argues that some of the tax cuts should be extended through 2011, but be only made permanent for the middle class and working poor while slowly phasing back in tax increases in 2012, after the economy recovers.
  • Paul Krugman recently weighed in on the debate. Krugman makes the point that the benefits of the tax cuts, if fully extended, would "nearly all...go to the richest 1 percent of Americans, people with incomes of more than $500,000 a year." He claims that the political culture is "dysfunctional and corrupt" and wonders why Congress claims it lacks revenue to pay for funds "protecting the jobs of schoolteachers and firefighters" yet many are willing to extend all of the 2001/2003 tax cuts.
  • Merrill Lynch chief North American economist Ethan Harris is quoted as writing a report saying that the expiration of the 2001/2003 tax cuts would result in a 1.3 percent annual GDP hit.
  • William G. Gale wrote about what he refers to as five myths about the Bush tax cuts.

CRFB believes that if lawmakers and economists agree that any or all of the tax cuts should be extended, the costs of doing so should be fully offset. Otherwise, their long-term cost to the nation’s debt and the resulting drag on economic health could far outweigh any short-term gains.

CBO Reports on ARRA's Continued Impact

Yesterday, CBO released an update on the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act’s (read our analysis of it here) impact on unemployment and job growth for the second quarter of 2010. It reported that ARRA funded almost 750,000 jobs in the U.S. this quarter, yet this positive report was accompanied by the cautionary note that the number of jobs created cannot alone paint a picture of the bill’s impact, primarily because some of those jobs might have existed regardless of the stimulus.

CBO’s analysis says that the economic stimulus package raised real GDP by between 1.7 and 4.5 percent in the second quarter of 2010, while lowering the unemployment rate by between 0.7 and 1.8 percentage points (the range illustrates the inherent uncertainty in estimating the effects of the stimulus). CBO reports that, from its implementation through the second quarter of 2010, the ARRA increased the number of people employed by between 1.4 million and 3.3 million, and increased the number of full-time-equivalent jobs by 2.0 million to 4.8 million compared with what would have otherwise occurred. The chart below compares CBO's most recent findings with those of CEA, published a month ago.

Measure 2009 Q2 2009 Q3 2009 Q4 2010 Q1 2010 Q2 2010 Q3 2010 Q4

CEA and CBO Estimates of ARRA's Economic Impact

CBO GDP Increase 0.8 - 1.3% 1.2 - 2.4% 1.4 - 3.3% 1.7 - 4.1% 1.7 - 4.5% 1.5 - 4.2% 1.1 - 3.6%
CBO Employment Increase (millions) 0.3 - 0.5 0.6 - 1.1 0.9-  1.9 1.2 - 2.7 1.4 - 3.3 1.4 - 3.6 1.3 - 3.5
CEA GDP Increase (multiplier model) 0.8% 1.7% 2.1% 2.5% 2.7% n/a  n/a
CEA Employment Increase (millions) 0.4 1.1 1.7 2.2 2.5 3.0* 3.5*

*For CEA Employment Increases (millions) in Q3 2010 and Q4 2010, the numbers were derived from the CEA Report by taking note that they project 3.5 millions jobs to be created/saved by Q4 2010, and then splitting the difference between Q3 and Q4 2010 columns.

However, CBO also warns that the ARRA’s effects on output will be gradually diminishing during the second half of 2010 and beyond, with its effects on unemployment lagging slightly behind, beginning a more noticeable decline in 2011.

Type of Activity Low Estimate Output Multiplier High Estimate Output Multiplier Total 10-year Budgetary Cost
Purchases of Goods and Services by the Federal Government 1.0 2.5 $95 billion
Transfer of Payments to State and Local Governments for Infrastructure 1.0 2.5 $139 billion
Transfer of Payments to State and Local Governments for Other Purposes 0.7 1.8 $215 billion
Transfer of Payments to Individuals 0.8 2.1 $100 billion
One-Time Payments to Retirees 0.3 1.0 $20 billion
Two-Year Tax Cuts for Low and Middle Income Earners 0.6 1.5 $168 billion
One-Year Tax Cut for High Income Earners  0.2 0.6 $70 billion
Extension of First Time Homebuyer Credit             0.3 0.8 $7 billion

 

The ARRA, signed into law in February 2009, included about $814 billion in spending and tax cuts over a ten year period (the latest number from CBO), among them a $400 per person "Making Work Pay" tax credit, a patch of the Alternative Minimum Tax, substantial infrastructure investment, an expansion of unemployment benefits, and significant state and local aid. Follow the bill's continued deficit impact at stimulus.org.

Boehner Speaks on Deficits and Taxes

House Republican Leader John Boehner (R-OH) gave an economic speech today that was billed as setting the policy table if Republicans gain control of the House in November. If so, the table needs some more place settings.

The speech got headlines because Boehner blasted the policies of the Obama administration and called for Treasury Secretary Tim Geithner and National Economic Council Director Larry Summers to resign. But the address also touched on fiscal issues; illustrating why it is so hard for policymakers to address the debt but also offering a glimmer of hope for some progress.

Boehner hammered at Obama and Democrats over “irrational” federal spending, calling to return non-defense discretionary spending to 2008 levels. He said with Republicans in charge, they would do things different and confront the national debt.

Listen, we need to have an honest conversation with the American people about the scope of our fiscal challenges – that means everything from short-term commitments to long-term commitments.

Sounds great, but then he ensures the conversation will be one-sided by taking the 2001/2003 tax cuts off the table, saying if they aren’t all permanently extended, it will be a “jobs-killing” tax increase. This unwillingness to consider all options is a key reason why Washington has yet to come close to developing a serious plan for putting the country on a sustainable fiscal course. The lack of direction is reflected in a recent poll underscoring that Americans are split over extending the tax cuts for the wealthy or just the middle class – with voters professing to support deficit reduction at the same time. A truly open and honest conversation on the fiscal situation and how to fix it must include both spending and revenues.

Yet Boehner does provide an opening for bipartisan agreement when he turns to tax expenditures – the myriad of targeted tax breaks in the tax code.

We need to take a long and hard look at the undergrowth of deductions, credits, and special carveouts that our tax code has become.

And, yes, we need to acknowledge that what Washington sometimes calls ‘tax cuts’ are really just poorly disguised spending programs that expand the role of government in the lives of individuals and employers.

It was the late Jack Kemp who said, ‘not all tax cuts are created equal.’ We need to bring simplicity and certainty to our tax code so we can make it a vehicle for sustainable pro-growth policies, not transfer payments to the favored few.

This call for tax reform and serious examination of tax expenditures that are usually extended without any review is very encouraging and welcome. Fundamental tax reform can play an important role in improving the fiscal outlook, but in addition to simplifying the tax code reform must also broaden the tax base in order to be effective. Resistance to any increases in revenues will make real reform impossible.

Boehner called for a “fresh start” in the speech. Putting everything on the table in order to encourage sensible solutions to our fiscal problems would be something fresh and useful.